MA Senate 2021-2022 Midterm Review

This is a companion to the 192nd Session midterm Senate scorecard. Note that it does not include every vote taken by the Legislature but those deemed worthy of inclusion in the scorecard.

Although debates about rules and transparency have proven contentious in the MA House, they have not in the MA Senate. When a vote came up at the start of the to extend the public notice period for legislative hearings from 72 hours to one week so that members of the public can better engage in the legislative process, it passed unanimously (1s).

Some of the early work this session was a continuation of efforts from last session. This includes a vote on the Next Generation Roadmap climate bill (2s), which the Legislature passed at the very end of last session. Governor Baker was able to defeat it with a pocket veto, and with the session having already ended, the Legislature couldn’t override him and had to re-file the bill in the new session. The Senate yet again passed the Healthy Youth Act, which would ensure that schools that teach sex education use a comprehensive and medically accurate curriculum, and the Gender X bill, which would provide a non-binary option to the gender question on state-issued IDs, both of which the House did not pass last session (10s, 11s). There were also attempts to push back against work from last session, with a conservative messaging amendment demanding a cost analysis of the police reform bill, a move intended to imply that police accountability will be a burden for cities and towns (8s).

The Senate also voted to advance the Fair Share Amendment to the 2022 ballot, holding the second constitutional convention required by law (7s). Massachusetts currently has a flat tax, meaning that secretaries and billionaires have the same income tax rate. The Fair Share Amendment would create an additional 4% tax on annual personal income in excess of $1 million, dedicating the revenue to public education and infrastructure needs.

Several other recorded votes also concerned tax policy. The Senate overrode the Governor’s veto of a one-year delay in the charitable deduction, which, if had been implemented, would have cost the state $300 million a year, mainly benefiting the wealthiest taxpayers; as well as his veto of the repeal of a set of corporate tax giveaways (i.e., harbor maintenance credit, medical device user fee credit) that have been proven to benefit only a small number of companies without broader economic impact. They also rejected a tax change from Governor Baker that would have cost the state $90 million each year and given all of the money to the wealthiest residents of the state (9s, 12s-13s).

The Senate defeated other wasteful tax proposals, such as creating a $5 million grant program that would divert public funds to corporate lobby groups (3s) and giving farmers a tax deduction if they donate food to nonprofit, draining money from the state budget that could be used for providing food directly (among other valuable uses) (6s).

The Senate also overrode Baker’s vetoes of the repeal of overly restrictive laws for accessing welfare programs. The asset limits of $250 for Emergency Aid to the Elderly, Disabled and Children (EAEDC) and $5,000 for Transitional Assistance to Families with Dependent Children (TAFDC) created unnecessary paperwork that jeopardized the eligibility of struggling individuals for these modest but critically important benefits (14s-15s). And they defeated a Republican messaging amendment to increase the penalty for unemployment fraud that would have done nothing to address the rise of high-tech, high-dollar fraud from foreign businesses and instead done more to harm people for clerical errors (4s).

The Senate also took action in the bill addressing the crisis and tragedy at the Holyoke Soldiers Home to ensure strong labor and procurement standards, requiring the new Holyoke Soldiers Home to be built with collective bargaining and creating a committee to set goals on hiring minority-, women-, and veteran-owned businesses for the project (5s).

Last year, the MA Senate also passed a robust version of the VOTES Act, an election reform bill to make COVID-era vote-by-mail and early voting reforms permanent and to go further by enacting Same Day Registration and strengthening protections for jail-based voting. Unfortunately, the Senate defeated several attempts to make this good bill better, including amendments to require at least one secure, accessible drop box location per 25,000 registered voters in a municipality; to enable voters to enroll in vote-by-mail on a permanent basis, rather than just election by election; and to require that all workers be able to take 2 hours of paid time off to vote, ensuring that a work schedule is not a barrier to participating in our democracy (16s-19s).

A significant share of the Legislature’s time last year was spent on redistricting, the decennial redrawing of lines of legislative and Congressional districts to reflect the results of the census. Most maps passed with overwhelming majority, but an interesting exception was the Senate vote on the Congressional maps. Advocates had criticized the proposed map for failing to unite the immigrant, working-class cities of New Bedford and Fall River in one district, namely the coastal 9th Congressional District. Progressives and South Coast senators organized against the proposal, yield a closer vote than expected (20s).

Happy Sunshine Week! ☀☀ Announcing Our Mid-Session Scorecard

Happy Sunshine Week! ☀☀ Sunshine Week is an initiative from the News Leaders Association to educate the public about the importance of open government and the dangers of excessive and unnecessary secrecy. We know a thing about excessive and unnecessary secrecy in government here in MA.

But one piece of information we do have is recorded votes.

Each session, we create a scorecard based on a subset of key roll call votes related to our progressive platform. Scorecards provide a vital accountability tool, enabling constituents to see what the Legislature is doing, how their legislators are voting, and where there is room for pressure.

Announcing Our Mid-Session 2021-2022 Scorecard

Our 192nd Scorecard through February 2022 is now live on https://scorecard.progressivemass.com/. You can also find it on our website here and here.

How did your legislators do? Click to find out.

Perfect Scores & Other Data Points

Congratulations to the five legislators who had perfect scores!

  • Rep. Mike Connolly (D-Cambridge)
  • Rep. Erika Uyterhoeven (D-Somerville)
  • Sen. Sonia Chang-Díaz (D-Jamaica Plain)
  • Sen. Jamie Eldridge (D-Acton)
  • Sen. Becca Rausch (D-Needham)

Other legislators who scored above 90% include Rep. Tami Gouveia (D-Acton), Rep. Nika Elugardo (D-Jamaica Plain), Rep. Russell Holmes (D-Mattapan), Rep. Dan Sena (D-Acton), Sen. Adam Gomez (D-Springfield), Sen. Adam Hinds (D-Pittsfield), Sen. Pat Jehlen (D-Somerville), and Sen. Ed Kennedy (D-Lowell).

Compared to last session, fewer Democrats received Ds and Fs. Why? Because the Legislature last session took a number of votes on policing reform, which highlighted major ideological splits in the Democratic caucus in both the House and Senate. There are still plenty of important pending bills that might raise similar ideological splits in the current session if the Legislature chooses bold action instead of inertia and avoidance.

That said, Democrats scoring a “D” or below include Rep. Patrick Kearney (D-Scituate), Rep. Christopher Markey (D-Dartmouth), Rep. Angelo Puppolo (D-Springfield), Rep. Jeff Turco (D-Winthrop), Rep. Dave Robertson (D-Tewksbury), Rep. Colleen Garry (D-Dracut), Sen. Marc Pacheco (D-Taunton), and Sen. Walter Timilty (D-Milton).

No Republican in the House scored above 30%; in the Senate, the highest was Sen. Patrick O’Connor (R-Weymouth) at 45%.

Why a Scorecard?

We believe that Democracy functions best when there’s transparency. And, our Massachusetts Legislature functions best when citizens know what votes our elected officials are taking and when we can compare their actions to their rhetoric. But on Beacon Hill, that’s not such a straightforward proposition.

Finding your legislator’s voting record, and understanding it, can be very difficult and time-consuming. With our “progressive scorecards,” finalized at the end of every 2-year legislative session (but with mid-session updates), we aim to make it easier.

What a Score Means…and What It Doesn’t

As they do with letter grades, an A means excellent, a B means good, a C means average, a D means poor, and an F, well, you get the point.

It’s important to understand these scores from two perspectives: (1) how a legislator is doing compared to how we want them to be doing and (2) how a legislator is doing compared to his/her colleagues. A good scorecard is one that tells a story.

That being said, EVERY legislator can be doing better. And part of doing better is providing more recorded votes that truly capture the story of each chamber. We are only scoring the votes that are taken, and there are many bills and amendments that never receive the votes they deserve. A scorecard can’t account for what goes on behind the scenes and how legislators championed or fought bills or amendments before they came to that vote.

But recorded votes matter. They are how legislators provide receipts of their professed principles, and scorecards provide engaged citizens with an understanding of what’s happening at the Legislature—and how they (YOU) can change it.