Don’t Mistake Weak Tea for Coffee: Doing Real Criminal Justice Reform

By Heather Busk, Progressive Watertown

Governor Baker, along with the Massachusetts House Speaker DeLeo and Chief Justice of the Massachusetts Supreme Court, recently announced “An Act Implementing the Recommendations of the Massachusetts Criminal Justice Review”. Sounds like it will reform criminal justice in Massachusetts, doesn’t it? Don’t be fooled by the name-it falls far short of true reform. It may even be an attempt to undercut progressive efforts to bring about real change.

The act lets inmates earn time off of their sentences if they participate in educational, vocational or rehabilitation programs, up to a reduction of 35% of the maximum term. Mandatory minimums governing opiates and crimes related to violence, illegal gun possession, or involving a minor are not eligible for sentence reductions. It also expands parole and pretrial services.

To be clear, the act is a good step and should be heartily supported. But we shouldn’t congratulate ourselves too much for taking one step when there are miles left to go.

The bill implements one recommendation of a study on criminal justice reform begun in 2015. The report was envisioned as a comprehensive study of the Commonwealth’s criminal justice system. It was supposed to identify all of its many problems and their causes, and make recommendations how to solve them. Opponents of change would no longer be able to claim, as they had for years, that the problems didn’t exist or that we didn’t understand the causes. Under its original scope, it would look at how people got entangled in the justice system, how they were treated while incarcerated, and outcomes after they were released. Instead, in an opaque back room process, the focus of the study became on only the last part, namely how to reduce recidivism. The rest was deliberately ignored, perhaps as a tactic to delay further action.

Still, the report made valuable recommendations on how to tackle this important issue, including:

  • sentence reductions for completing anti-recidivism programs and better monitoring of the performance of such programs
  • making the parole process more efficient (it typically takes an outrageous 200 days between being awarded parole and actually getting released)
  • more community supervision and behavioral health care for parolees.

Out of the many recommendations, Baker’s act only implements a few of them.

Reducing recidivism is a worthy goal and absolutely should be supported, but it entirely ignores many other vital issues. Criminal justice in Massachusetts is actually fairly harsh, especially for a state that prides itself on being progressive. Did you know you can lose your driver’s license for many offenses completely unrelated to driving, including failure to appear in court, nonpayment of child support, even graffiti? Did you know you can be held in solitary confinement for up to a decade?

There are many other problems waiting to be addressed: mandatory minimums awarding excessively harsh sentences, the struggle of anyone with a criminal record to get a job, racial profiling, police violence, the school to prison pipeline, overuse of solitary confinement, harsh sentences for juvenile offenders… the list goes on. Surely such a supposedly blue state can do better.

The governor’s bill will help with a few issues-it will help lower recidivism, reduce sentences for some prisoners, and by releasing people early it will reduce the prison population and spending on prisons. That’s all good, but it isn’t enough.

It only deals with people who are already incarcerated. This does nothing to prevent people from entering the system to begin with, and ignores the troubling racial disparities in incarceration rates.

Bottom line, mandatory minimums need to go, and the bill is not a replacement for repeal. The harsher sentences from mandatory minimums mean that more people are in prison than need to be, robbing them of parts of their lives and costing taxpayers extra money. Allowing early release for some inmates still leaves them fully in place for people convicted of some drug offenses and other crimes. Beyond that, mandatory minimums rob judges of the discretion to take mitigating circumstances into consideration. Even the fear of receiving a long sentence because of a mandatory minimum helps prosecutors pressure defendants into accepting harsher sentences than they would otherwise get. This may make the prosecutor’s job easier but it does not serve justice.

Another major sticking point with the bill is the requirement that inmates participate in education and rehabilitation programs to qualify for sentence reductions. There is nothing wrong with this idea, but it depends on programming being available, and such programs are often the first to be cut if there is fiscal tightening. In the long term, funding for such programs will come and go as the political winds shift, and when the funding goes, those minimums will once again trap inmates in prison for longer than necessary.

In addition to the Justice Reinvestment Act, which is a comprehensive reform bill, there are a number of related bills that tackle criminal justice. Together, they will:

  • reduce sentences and remove mandatory minimums for nonviolent drug crimes
  • restore judicial discretion in sentencing
  • increase the use of parole and post release supervision
  • expand educational programming, both within and before prison
  • reduce court fees and prevent someone from going to prison if they can’t pay the fees
  • expand the use of treatment for drug related crimes
  • reform juvenile justice
  • limit the use of solitary confinement
  • reduce racial profiling by requiring reporting of data on who the police stop, and why they are stopped
  • require police to wear body cameras 
  • root out the underlying causes of crime by allowing funding for community youth and jobs programs.

That is what true criminal justice reform looks like. Compared to that, the governor’s bill is pretty unimpressive.

Instead of doing the hard work of building support for true reform they have simply picked one modest and politically easy measure to wrap up, put a bow on it and say that they given us “Criminal Justice Reform”. Sorry kids, this birthday gift is sure to disappoint. Let’s keep the pressure on for real reform.

You can learn more by coming to Progressive Watertown’s event next Saturday, May 6, “Why Criminal Justice Reform Matters”. It will feature a panel discussion by one of the sponsors of the Justice Reinvestment Act, Representative Will Brownsberger, the Middlesex County District Attorney Marian Ryan, and other experts.

College Students Work to Put a Price on Carbon, All of Us March

By Heather Busk, Progressive Watertown

Off the coast of New England, warming waters may have led to the collapse of the cod fishery that gave Cape Cod its name. In our daily lives, however, the effects of climate change have been harder to notice. The average temperature and precipitation patterns have changed even here in Massachusetts, but such shifts are masked by day to day and yearly variations. To change that perception, and to build support for carbon pricing, several student organizations from local colleges and universities hosted a viewing of the episode “Priceless” of National Geographic’s “Years of Living Dangerously” and an expert panel discussion afterwards. 

Tufts Climate Action, Emerson Eco-Reps, Fossil Free MIT, DivestNU and the Boston University Environmental Student Organization organized the event as part of the #PutAPriceOnIt campaign. 

The episode looked at places where the effects of climate change have been far more dramatic than what we’ve seen in Massachusetts, so far.

In the mountains of California, the pika, this adorable little creature:

Pika

may go extinct. They overheat easily, and as warming has made the lower reaches increasingly uninhabitable, they’ve fled to higher and higher elevations. But the mountains are only so tall, and if the temperature continues to rise, they will soon have nowhere left to go and will die out. They’ve already lost more than a third of their habitat in Nevada and Oregon. Other animals living in these sky islands are similarly threatened.

Kenya’s Ambroseli National Park endured a terrible drought from 2006 to 2009, one of the worst in generations. Hundreds of elephants starved to death, including 200 babies and at least 60 of the matriarchs. The population declined by more than 20%. In the words of one of the park staff, “There was dust and nothing else.”

The drought also triggered an increase in poaching. Some farmers killed elephants to protect their crops. The hungry elephants, in their desperate search for food, encroached on nearby farms, eating and trampling on produce. Other farmers turned to the ivory trade to replace their drought-stricken livelihoods.

The Masai people are traditionally dependent on cows, but as the climate has dried, many have shifted from a nomadic lifestyle to farming. They have had little choice: during the drought, some lost 90% of their livestock. This has led to increasing conflict between farmers and wildlife, as farmers’ fences block the migration routes of many large mammals. African elephants, hippos, and many other species are at risk of extinction if nothing is done to prevent it.

Such droughts will become increasingly common as the climate changes. Rainfall in Ambroseli has declined by 29% over the past century. California, too, has just begun recovering from a 5-year long drought that left lakes and reservoirs at their lowest levels in decades. This drought followed on the heels of another drought from 2007 to 2009. Over the past decade, California has had more dry years than normal years. That is not sustainable for a state with a large population (which also happens to grow most of the fruits and vegetables produced in the US).

The damage caused by climate change is no longer hypothetical, it is ongoing. Urgent action has been needed for decades now. But until recently, the lack of something visible to point to, something that connected to our daily lives, made it easy to push action to the future, to discount the risks and argue that any steps to fight it were just too expensive. That time is over.

We must establish carbon pricing here in Massachusetts. Carbon pricing helps people reduce their carbon emissions by adding a tax on the consumption of fossil fuels, in proportion to how much carbon is emitted from burning them. This discourages the use of carbon-heavy fuels such as coal and encourages cleaner sources such as biofuels, solar, and wind. The proposed legislation offsets the added cost by giving a rebate back to consumers and businesses.

A similar law has been quite successful in Vancouver-carbon emissions dropped by 15%, while the economy continued to thrive. Because of its success, Canada is considering carbon pricing for the entire country. Even fossil fuel companies have come out in favor of carbon taxes, perhaps, as one of the panelists speculated, because a tax would be simpler for them to implement than other potential regulations to address climate change. When even fossil fuel companies are on board, and when it has already been successfully implemented in other places, there really is no good reason not to put a price on carbon here in Massachusetts.

To make this happen, we must make it clear to our elected officials that we support strong steps to combat climate change. There are three chances to do this coming up very soon: the March for Science is happening on April 22, and the People’s Climate March happens a week later, on April 29. Both marches will take place in Washington D.C. and many other locations around the country, including Boston. After you’re done marching, you can take the message directly to your legislators during Progressive Mass’s Lobby Day, on May 3.

Now is the time to put a price on carbon. Now is the time to march. After all, as Obama once noted, “We are the first generation to feel the impact of climate change, and the last generation that can do something about it.”

When Candidates Are on a Listening Tour, Give Them Something to Listen To

TL;DR: Start thinking about what you want in a progressive governor, and start questioning and pressuring candidates and prospective candidates before committing.


One year from now, Democrats across the state will have elected delegates to go to the state party convention where gubernatorial candidates will vie with each other for the party’s endorsement.

The primary field is not settled yet—there’s some time to go, and candidates may yet emerge.

But, already, candidates and prospective candidates have begun listening tours–speaking at local caucuses, at house parties, at activist events.

When the field is settled, Progressive Massachusetts will invite all candidates to fill out our detailed candidate questionnaire, as we did in 2014.

We will ask tough questions about where they stand on the key elements of our Progressive Platform–shared prosperity, racial and social justice, open government and strong democracy, and sustainable infrastructure and environmental protection–and the Legislative Agenda that seeks to translate principles into policy.

And once they fill out those questionnaires, YOU–our grassroots members–will get to vet them and get to decide whom we endorse.

No smoke-filled rooms, just grassroots democracy.

But, the member endorsement is still a way off.

In the interim — what can you do to strengthen the field and ensure the boldest progressive platform is being talked about at every coffee, every house party? 

SOME IDEAS —  

We want them to understand that a progressive message is the winning one.

So get the candidates (and prospective candidates) on record about the issues that matter.

Ask them tough questions, don’t accept evasions, and see if those answers hold when they go before different crowds.

Charlie Baker has managed to coast with high approval ratings because the Legislature tries to minimize conflict, avoiding taking votes on anything he might veto and showering him with praise for small-bore accomplishments. But if we are to have a chance of defeating Baker next year, then we need to be drawing a clear contrast with an inspiring and affirmative progressive policy agenda. Not being Charlie, not being a Republican simply isn’t enough.

So what should you be asking declared and prospective candidates if you encounter them on a listening tour. Here are some ideas:

Charlie Baker doesn’t stand with us in wanting to make the minimum wage a living wage of $15 an hour. Do you?


Charlie Baker doesn’t stand with us in wanting to guarantee paid family and medical leave. Do you?


Charlie Baker doesn’t stand with us in wanting to guarantee health care as a right through a Medicare for All system. Do you?


Charlie Baker doesn’t stand with us in wanting to invest in our public schools to give all students the best opportunities we can. Do you?


Charlie Baker doesn’t stand with us in wanting to make public higher education tuition-free. Do you?


Charlie Baker doesn’t stand with us in wanting comprehensive changes to our criminal justice system to end mass incarceration and inhumane practices like solitary confinement. Do you?


Charlie Baker doesn’t stand with us in wanting to protect our immigrant family, friends, and neighbors by preventing the use of state resources for a mass deportation regime. Do you?


Charlie Baker doesn’t stand with us in wanting to expand voting rights through things like automatic voter registration and Election Day registration. Do you?


Charlie Baker doesn’t stand with us in wanting to aggressively shift away from a fossil fuel-based economy to one powered by renewables like solar and wind. Do you?


Charlie Baker doesn’t stand with us in wanting to raise the revenue needed to upgrade and expand our public transit system. Do you?

A contested primary can give YOU, the voter, leverage–but only if you use it. No candidate is owed your vote. Public servants work for you, and anyone running for such an office should have to work for your vote.

And when all Democratic candidates are arguing about who’s the bolder progressive, and not who’s friendlier to some supposed centrist ideal, that’s when we will have a policy debate worth having.

Is Beacon Hill Ready to Stand up to Trump?

If you’re like us, your inbox has been swamped over the past few months with rallies and action alerts about how to fight the reactionary Trump-McConnell-Ryan agenda coming out of Washington.

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Massachusetts is in position to be a leader in the resistance against Trump’s agenda–and a beacon of progressive policy for the rest of the country.

Although our Republican governor, Charlie Baker, is not going to stand up to Trump as much as he should, Attorney General Maura Healey has been at the forefront of fighting for civil rights and environmental protection, among other issues, in the Age of Trump.

And Massachusetts has the third largest Democratic supermajorities in the country, with 34 out of 40 senators and 126 out of 160 representatives. In theory, then, whether or not Baker is willing to fight Trump, the Legislature has the votes to do so.

But…

The Legislature, as our scorecards (and brand new scorecard page) show, routinely fails to live up to the ideal of what one might hope for from a Legislature this overwhelmingly blue.

Trump has created a sense of urgency among progressive voters. But, based on statements on policy and priorities, we have yet to see that same urgency from the State House.

A Beacon Hill Committee to Focus on Trump

In late March, Speaker Bob DeLeo appointed nine House Democrats to a working group to guide responses to “unprecedented actions” of the Trump administration.

The group consists of House Majority Leader Ron Mariano (D-Quincy); Speaker Pro Tem Patricia Haddad (D-Somerset); Assistant Majority Leader Byron Rushing (D-South End); House Bonding, Capital Expenditures and State Assets Chair Antonio Cabral (D-New Bedford); House Steering, Policy and Scheduling Chair James Murphy (D-Weymouth); Public Health Chair Kate Hogan (D-Stow); Health Care Financing Chair Jeffrey Sanchez (D-Jamaica Plain); Rules vice chair Marjorie Decker (D-Cambridge), and Export Development vice chair James Arciero (D-Westford).

The working group is tasked with coming up with legislative solutions that are both “necessary and feasible.” The devil, of course, will be in the details….

…whose definitions of “necessary” and “feasible”?

…Will this group aggressively push a progressive agenda, or will they settle for the lethargic status quo?

We plan to follow the working group to the best of our abilities as it moves forward. But what do we know so far?

According to State House News Service, the group will focus on “economic stability, health care, higher education, and the state’s most vulnerable residents.”

Strong, progressive policies on all of these issues have been proposed this session. (We center our Legislative Agenda on many of them!)

Where do the working group members stand on them?

Economic Stability:

Trump, along with Mitch McConnell and Paul Ryan, wants to make an economy that works just for the top 1%. How do we promote shared prosperity by contrast? We could do so by passing a $15 minimum wage and paid family and medical leave, for starters.

Four out of the nine–Cabral, Decker, Hogan, and Rushing–have co-sponsored the Fight for $15 bill. Six–Cabral, Decker, Haddad, Hogan, Murphy, Rushing–have signed on to paid family and medical leave.

Health Care:

Trump wants to repeal the Affordable Care Act, denying health care to millions. The task facing progressives is to improve and expand upon the Affordable Care Act with a single payer/Medicare for All system that truly enshrines health care as a human right.

So far, only two out of the nine–Decker and Rushing–have signed on to such legislation.

Trump and the Republican Congress also have their sights set on taking away women’s rights over their own bodies. Congress has already passed legislation enabling states to defund Planned Parenthood. Progressives shouldn’t stand for that. One of the members of the working group, Rep. Haddad, is a leader sponsor of the ACCESS bill, which would require insurance carriers to provide all contraceptive methods without a copay. Decker, Hogan, Rushing, and Sanchez have joined her in support of this bill.

Higher Education:

Massachusetts has been under-investing in higher education for years, leading to higher tuition costs and spiraling student debt. Trump could make matters worse by reducing funding for higher education institutions and federal student aid, as well as by encouraging the expansion of predatory for-profit institutions.

Only one of the nine–Rep. Decker–has come out in support of making public colleges and universities tuition-free for Massachusetts residents. Rep. Arciero joins her in a strong, but less ambitious, goal of debt-free higher education.

Protecting the State’s Most Vulnerable:

Massachusetts has the opportunity to stand up to the federal deportation machine by passing the Safe Communities Act, which would prohibit the use of state resources for deportation raids and limit local and state police collaboration with federal immigration agents. The TRUST Act, its predecessor, stalled in committee year after year. But the necessity of the bill grows stronger each day.

Four out of the nine working group members are supporters of the Safe Communities Act–Cabral, Decker, Rushing, and Sanchez.

We can look back to last session for insights into the working group. Four out of the nine members of the committee matched the Speaker vote-by-vote on our scorecard of the last session (Arciero, Cabral, Haddad, Hogan). Two of them were more conservative than the Speaker (Mariano, Murphy), and three were more progressive (Decker, Rushing, Sanchez).

The House doesn’t take many roll call votes, but some can be illustrative. Last July, for example, the House voted to make state-issued IDs compliant with the federal REAL ID law per request of Governor Baker (H.4488). Real ID’s strict documentation requirements make getting a state-issued ID more difficult for the young, the elderly, trans individuals, people of color, the poor, and many legal immigrants. H.4488 also forestalled efforts to allow undocumented immigrants to obtain driver’s licenses, something which–unlike REAL ID–would increase public safety.

Decker, Rushing, and Sanchez sided with Massachusetts’s vulnerable populations. The other six sided with the Governor.

Massachusetts Democrats often talk a good game about opposing Trump.

But will they put their priorities and votes where their mouths are this session?

The Democratic Platform Process: Make it Progressive, Make Sure They Act on It

We’ve worked with ORMA and PDA to come up with solid progressive principles to help guide advocates engaging in the MassDems platform hearings. Check them out–but remember, the party platform is not policy. We have to hold lawmakers to account for the values in their party’s platform.

Many of our activist member volunteers work with the Democratic party, a fundamental principle of our point of view is that the Democratic party—especially in Massachusetts—needs to be pulled, and sometimes pushed, to the left. While  the Democratic ideals are on the whole worthwhile, the actual practice of governing has not yielded progressive policy:

  • Massachusetts does not have paid family and medical leave
  • Massachusetts has been chronically underfunding education from pre-K to higher-ed.
  • Massachusetts does not have single-payer health care, or even a plan to move in that direction
  • Massachusetts has a criminal justice system that replicates the racial injustices seen in other states
  • Massachusetts is not a “sanctuary” or “safe community” state
  • Massachusetts has undergone a series of devastating budget cuts for years, to accommodate a tax structure that gives the wealthiest a discount at everyone else’s expense
  • Massachusetts has underinvested in public transit for decades

Engaging in the Platform hearings process can help ensure that the stated, written principles of the Party which holds a veto-proof supermajority in both houses of the Legislature, is as boldly progressive as possible. And it is one of the means by which activists can start to build change “from the ground up” and “from inside.”

However, we must again stress that the Platform is but a promise that has been broken again and again at a legislative level. It’s not enough to craft a strong progressive platform. We need to hold Democratic Legislators to fighting for them.

This is why in addition to our progressive plank recommendations, we ask you to use our Legislative Agenda, which has identified current bills in the 2017-2018 legislative session that would move our Commonwealth in the direction of fulfilling the promises of a strong Platform.

If the Party platform is the promise, the legislation we’ve identified are real, viable steps to fulfilling them.

So, find out where your legislator stands on the bills on our Agenda, and push for their passage. Keep track, and stay involved. SEE MORE AT: PROGRESSIVEMASS.COM/AGENDA

And, we need to keep organizing, building our capacity as an engaged, progressive electorate. One of the biggest parts of politics is just showing up at the right moments. Attend hearings, town halls, and other events in your community–not just to speak your mind, but to connect with neighbors. The fights we face are vast and complex, and we will need strength and endurance and organizing for the long game: we must find allies, organize and work together. Progressive Mass has chapters and community groups all over MA, connecting and organizing, too; building progressive power through grassroots organizing, issue education and electoral/legislative activism is central to our mission. Become a member, connect, sign up! progressivemass.com/signup.

We’re #1…But Don’t Celebrate Too Fast

Last week, Massachusetts had the honor of placing #1 in the U.S. News & World Report state rankings. The 50-state analysis included more than 60 metrics, and on many of them, Massachusetts shines. We ranked #1 in education, #2 in health care, and #5 in economy. When it comes to education, Massachusetts is the birthplace of US public schools, and when it comes to health care, our 2006 health care reform law created a model for the nation.

But don’t crack open the champagne yet. Although, overall, we outperformed other states, Massachusetts fared abysmally on a number of key metrics.

Although Massachusetts had some of the highest test scores in the country, inequality remains a defining feature of our public school system. We ranked #31 on education equality by race. Quality Counts, which conducts an annual ranking of states on education, found a similar dynamic. Massachusetts ranked #1, but consistently fell near the bottom on any metrics focused on equity. We have great schools, but not everyone gets to go to them.

When our students graduate and go to college, they face high tuition (#41) and are saddled with debt for years after (#39). And the inequality in education is reflected in the resulting inequality in the economy: Massachusetts had one of the highest racial gaps in income (#40) and one of the highest Gini indexes (#45), a measure of the gap between the richest and poorest in the state.

And you can only take advantage of what Massachusetts has to offer if you can afford to live here, which isn’t easy. We were #45 in cost of living and #44 in housing affordability. Expensive housing prices force people to live further from work, leading to long commutes (#47), made worse by low-quality roads (#47).

Inequality and poverty breed crime, a dynamic exacerbated by an overreliance on outdated “tough-on-crime” policies. Massachusetts has some of the country’s most overcrowded prisons (#46) and biggest racial gaps in juvenile incarceration (#46).

So, clearly, something’s the matter with Massachusetts. What can we do about it?

Our 2017-2018 legislative agenda offers some vital steps forward.

Policies like a $15 minimum wage (S.1004/HD.2719) can help reduce inequality. Modernizing the Foundation Budget (S.223) will foster greater equity in education spending. Zoning reform and increased housing production (S.81) can reduce the cost of living in Massachusetts. Making public higher education tuition-free (H.633) or debt-free (S.681) will alleviate the debt burden faced by students at Massachusetts’s many great colleges and universities and make higher education more accessible. The Fair Share amendment, by imposing a progressive income tax and earmarking new revenue for education and infrastructure, can reduce inequality, improve education equity, and make for easier commutes.

Comprehensive sentencing reform that reinvests savings in job training and education (S.791/HD.2714)—or even just eliminating mandatory minimums for non-violent drug crimes (S.819/H.741)—will help reduce prison overpopulation and combat the multi-faceted injustices of the criminal justice system. And eliminating and reducing the fees involved in the criminal justice system (S.777/HD.2929) will make sure that we aren’t incarcerating people for the simple crime of being poor.

That’s a lot of work for the next two years. But if we are the #1 state, we should certainly be able to handle it.

Protecting the Earth from Supervillains, Locally

By Heather Busk, Progressive Watertown

A Congress that is set on gutting environmental protections. An administration filled with climate change denialists and close friends of the fossil fuel industry. It looks like the environment will have a tough time over the next few years if we don’t step up big league at the local level to protect it.

The man who recently became the head of the Environmental Protection Administration, Scott Pruitt, apparently really doesn’t like protecting the environment, because he unsuccessfully challenged EPA policies in court a whopping 14 times while attorney general of Oklahoma. One time, when the EPA had the temerity to set a rule limiting methane emissions from natural gas, he complained about it in an official letter that turned out to be written by lobbyists for, you guessed it, an oil-and-gas company. Attempts to investigate his ties to oil companies before he was confirmed as EPA chief have been stymied by his office’s refusal to release emails that were requested two years ago by freedom of information act requests (it’s almost like he was trying to hide something). Now that the emails have finally been released, they clearly show him to be the good little lapdog of the fossil fuel industry.

Zinke, nominated to head the Department of the Interior, wants to allow more oil drilling and coal mining in national parks. The former CEO of Exxon Rex Tillerson (a.k.a. Rexon) is now Secretary of State. The nominee for Secretary of Agriculture, Sonny Perdue, as well as Tillerson, Pruitt, Zinke, Trump, Perry, and others in the administration are all climate skeptics.

Just in the past few weeks, Trump and Congress have taken aggressive steps to undermine the power of federal agencies to set and enforce environmental protection policies. The House resurrected the Holman rule, which lets Congress target individual federal employees for salary cuts (down to $1) and target individual programs for removal. We would dearly miss many of the programs likely to be in their crosshairs. Thanks to an executive order, if federal agencies want to set a new regulation, they will now be forced to repeal two other regulations.

In December, the REINS act was passed by the House. If passed by the Senate, it would require all major regulations set by federal agencies, on topics ranging from environmental protection to food and chemical safety standards, to be approved by Congress, and any that are not approved within 70 days would not take effect. It’s a very effective tactic to kill regulations that industry doesn’t like.  

The Trump administration and the Republican Party want to bury their heads in the sand and ignore the crisis, so for those of us who have seen the signs–the dropping ocean oxygen levels, the death of coral reefs, the yearly decline in sea ice, the signs of imminent collapse of polar ice shelves, and ever higher temperature records–it is imperative that we act now. Every delay makes it more likely that the situation will spiral out of control, and four years of a Trump presidency is a long delay.

With the agencies that are supposed to protect the environment being led by people who don’t care about it, and with the agencies’ powers being systematically stripped away, not much action on climate change should be expected at the federal level. It will be up to the states to get anything done. Fortunately, there are several bills up for consideration in the Massachusetts legislature that take bold steps to address climate change.

Sd.2049, An act creating 21st century Massachusetts clean energy jobs, will help Massachusetts prevent and prepare for climate change in a number of ways.

A program will be set up to plan for and deal with the effects of climate change. In addition, the state will develop a plan every two years to balance energy needs with environmental concerns, in particular reducing carbon emissions.

Homeowners will be required to release the results of an energy efficiency audit before selling their home. This will let prospective buyers get a sense of what they will pay for utilities, so this can be taken into consideration when choosing a house. Homeowners may be encouraged to improve energy efficiency to attract buyers. Note, they are not forced to make any changes. That is entirely their choice. Furthermore, by requiring an audit before the sale, all new homeowners will know before they even move in what improvements they can make to their home to save money.  No other state requires home energy audits before sales, so Massachusetts has the chance to break a path for the rest of the country to follow.

Nuclear power plants will be required to fully decommission within 5 years of shutting down or face a fine of $25 million per year. The Pilgrim Nuclear Power Plant is the only commercial nuclear power plant open in Massachusetts. It has had a series of safety issues over the past few years, and the operator plans to shut it down by 2019. This bill will ensure that the owners safely and completely decommission it, rather than leaving taxpayers on the hook to clean it up.

The bill also sets specific goals for emissions cuts by 2030 and 2040, to keep the state on track to reach the targets set by the Global Warming Solutions Act (which requires a reduction of 80% from 1990 levels by 2050). The bill also pushes for more offshore wind and a higher renewable energy portfolio standard. In May, the Massachusetts court ruled that the state government had not met its obligations to limit greenhouse gas emissions, in compliance with the GWSA. Meanwhile an environmental group’s report claims that Massachusetts will not meet its 2020 emission reduction goals without policy changes. 2020 is only 3 years away. If we are to meet the required reduction target of 25% of 1990 levels, we have to act now. Many of the solutions will take time to implement. In the longer term, we still have a long way to go to reach an 80% reduction by 2050–that’s a reduction of about 20% each decade. It won’t happen unless we keep pushing.

Sd.1021, An act combatting climate change, establishes revenue-neutral carbon pricing. The price starts at $10 per ton of CO2 emitted, and rises by $5 per year until it reaches $40 per ton. This will raise the cost of some things, for instance fuel prices, so to cancel this out the revenue raised will be rebated back to consumers and employers. State residents living in rural areas (who on average have to drive more) will get a slightly larger rebate. Electricity generators are exempt–large electricity providers are already subject to a regional cap and trade system. The logic behind a greenhouse gas “tax” (although it isn’t really a tax because the money is returned) is that we have not been paying the true cost for burning fossil fuels. The market prices we pay for the fuels don’t include the cost we will pay down the line to deal with the effects of climate change caused by burning these fuels. Adding this cost now will incentivize people and businesses to conserve–to drive less, to buy energy efficient appliances, to lower thermostats–and, critically, conserve in time to limit global warming. Or we can ignore the danger and pay the price later, after the damage is done. It will also make renewable energy sources more competitive, pricewise, helping them expand.

In the five years after British Columbia enacted a carbon tax, its fuel consumption decreased by 16% (compared to a 3% increase elsewhere in Canada). Meanwhile the GDP grew a little more than the rest of the country. With carbon taxes already enacted in dozens of other countries and states, Massachusetts would not be the first to try this, and there is already evidence that it works, without damaging the economy.

S.1846, An Act relative to solar power and the green economy, adds to the push to increase the usage of renewables, by setting a goal of 17% solar energy usage in the commonwealth by 2025 and 25% by 2030. The bill also ups the growth of solar usage from 1% per year to 2% per year next year and 3% each year after that.

S.1847, An Act clarifying authority and responsibilities of the department of public utilities-the name is a pretty accurate description of what the bill does, so I’ll just give some highlights. But first, some context: a few pipelines across New England have been in the works in recent years. One project is Access Northeast, which aims to upgrade and expand the existing pipeline and to add storage capacity, to increase the supply of gas during winter. Some Canadian companies wish to use this pipeline extension to pipe American liquefied natural gas (including gas fracked from the Marcellus shale in Pennsylvania) into Canada to sell abroad.

Under this bill, the power of the Department of Public Utilities to approve contracts is expanded from only covering the purchase of gas and electricity to including the purchase of gas infrastructure. The department must consider whether construction of gas infrastructure is in the public interest before approving any contracts. The “public interest” is defined in this case to mean that it’s cost-effective for ratepayers, that the company must build new infrastructure in order to meet demand for gas, and that it’s a good option compared to other ones, in terms of its effects on people and the environment. Additional gas infrastructure may not be built on protected land.

Electricity companies may not contract for gas (and vice versa). This enshrines in law a recent decision of the MA Supreme Court. The Department of Public Utilities released an order in October 2015 stating that it had the authority to approve long-term contracts by electric companies to purchase gas capacity. This was seen as good news for advocates of building more pipelines. However, in August 2016 the MA Supreme Court slapped this down, ruling that the DPU did not have this authority. They argued that the cost for constructing additional gas infrastructure could not legally be passed on to ratepayers. Without being able to sign long term contracts with electric companies, it will be harder for gas companies to build new pipelines because they will bear the full cost, rather than being able to pass it along to consumers. It is important to note, the bill does not by itself stop the building of pipelines. It simply prohibits public funding of any such projects. They are still free to build them with private money.

This set of bills is exactly how we can fight to protect our environment, even while the Republicans are doing their very best supervillain impressions.

Worcester: Rally in Solidarity with Immigrants

Progressive Worcester endorses tonight’s rally in support of the immigrant and refugee community. 

Please show up in solidarity and reject the toxic policies of Trumpism from creeping into Worcester. After the Rally, see it through, stay for the City Council meeting. City Council must hear from you. 

And remember,

We can take action as a state. But the Legislature must act.

The Legislature can pass the Safe Communities act, to establish ‘sanctuary’ in Massachusetts, and protect vulnerable communities under Trump’s coming policies. Right now, Legislators are choosing which bills they will choose to highlight with their co-sponsorship.

Tell your State Rep and State Senator to co-sponsor the Safe Communities Act,  and to push a bold progressive agenda — to resist, to protect the vulnerable, to build a stronger future with shared prosperity and justice for all.  Rally. Show Solidarity at the Council meeting. Send a message to your legislator for #SafeCommunities.

RALLY DETAILS


We urge everyone to come out and support our immigrant and refugee community and tell Worcester City Councilors to reject Councilor Gaffney’s anti-refugee, anti-immigrant City Council proposal. 

Worcester will not be bullied into turning in our undocumented neighbors, friends, families, young people, and coworkers. We expect that our elected officials remain committed to ensuring the safety and well-being of all members of this community, regardless of their citizenship status. We urge our fellow community members to stand in solidarity with all those fleeing persecution, poverty and violence. Worcester cannot be a welcoming community for some of us, while turning its back on others.  

Location: City Hall 
Day, time: Tuesday, January 31st from 6:00 pm to 7:30 pm 

Looking forward to seeing everyone at the rally at 6pm today. A Declared Parking Ban is in effect for Worcester beginning at 2pm. 
Organized by Showing Up for Racial Justice (SURJ) Worcester. 

Endorsed by: 
350 Central MA 
ACLU of Central Massachusetts 
American Muslim Democratic Caucus 
Black Lives Matter Worcester 
Carpenters 107 
Casa Cultural Dominicana de Worcester 
Central Massachusetts AFL-CIO 
Christian Community Church 
Clark University Geographical Society (PhD Students) 
Educational Association of Worcester 
EnjoinGood.org 
 Episcopal Churches of Worcester (ECOW) 
Ex-Prisoners and Prisoners Organizing for Community Advancement (EPOCA) 
HOPE Coalition 
Just Paint Studio 
Main South Community Development Corporation (CDC) 
Massachusetts Attorney General’s Office 
Massachusetts Chapter of Americans United for the Separation of Church and State 
Massachusetts Human Rights Committee 
Massachusetts Women of Color Coalition Central Region 
Mosaic Cultural Complex 
Muslim Community Link 
NAACP 
New England VegFest 
Progressive Worcester  
SEIU Local 32BJ 
SEIU Local 509 
SEIU Local 1199 
The Sierra Club 
SS. Francis Therese Catholic Workers 
Socialist Alternative 
South East Asian Coalition 
Stone Soup 
Temple Emanuel Sinai 
Transformative Culture Project 
UFCW 1445 
UNITE HERE! 
VegWorcester 
Worcester Common Ground 
Worcester Community Labor Coalition  
Worcester Interfaith 
Worcester Islamic Center 
Worcester Refugee Assistance Project (WRAP) 
YWCA of Central Massachusetts 

Jeff Sessions and Criminal Justice in Massachusetts

By Heather Busk, Progressive Watertown

Do you know what North Korea and the United States have in common? They have similar per capita rates of incarceration, among the highest in the world. But lately some states have used an approach called justice reinvestment to dramatically cut the number of people in prison while continuing to lower crime rates, saving money in the process. In Massachusetts, a few bills are up for a vote this legislative session that take this approach to justice reform.

The “Tough on Crime” approach that came into vogue in the 80s and 90s led to an explosion in the prison population (especially when applied to non-violent drug crimes) but only a limited reduction in crime. It just isn’t a very efficient use of taxpayer money.

Justice reinvestment takes a different approach. It shrinks the number of inmates by reducing sentences and removing mandatory minimums for some crimes, restoring judicial discretion in sentencing, and expanding the use of parole. In contrast, over the past few decades Massachusetts has drastically cut the number of prisoners receiving parole, instead letting half of former inmates be flung back into society without any form of supervision. This makes them more likely to reoffend. Other proven ways to reduce recidivism are counseling, education, reentry, and jobs programs.

A few pieces of legislation have been proposed in the Massachusetts legislature that take this approach. HD.2714/SD.1128, An Act for justice reinvestment, is a comprehensive justice reform package. Among other things, it reduces sentences and calls for funding of jobs programs, not only for former inmates but also for people who fit at least two of these categories:

“is under 25 years of age; is a victim of violence; is a veteran; does not have a high school diploma (if over 18 years of age); has been convicted of a felony; has been unemployed or has had family income below 250% of the federal poverty level for six months or more; or lives in a census tract where over 20% of the population fall below the federal poverty”

HD.1794/SD.500 An Act to eliminate mandatory minimum sentences with regards to drug crimes, is a bill with just a few parts of HD.2714/SD.1128. It gets rid of mandatory minimum sentences for drug crimes and gives judges discretion in sentencing for nonviolent drug offenses.

A related bill is SD.1389: An Act to reduce the criminalization of poverty, that reduces court fees and bans sending people to jail for inability to pay the fees.

At the national level, the appointment of Jeff Sessions warrants some concern for those who value justice.

The power of the U.S. Attorney General lies in three things:

  1. Setting priorities for federal law enforcement about what kinds of things to investigate.
  2. Deciding what laws to defend and which cases to bring to federal court.
  3. Selectively giving money to states and towns.

Sessions is unlikely to devote many resources to issues progressives care about. For instance, he may not investigate excessive use of force by police. He holds the view that bad behavior is caused by a few bad apples rather than any systemic problems. To his credit, he has admitted that there is some racial bias in policing, but he has regularly opposed federal investigation into police misconduct. With a president who has called Black Lives Matter a “threat” that should be investigated by the Attorney General, this is not an encouraging sign.

He will likely not do much to uphold civil rights, especially not LGBT rights–he is a staunch opponent of same-sex marriage. Although the Constitution and federal law bans discrimination of various types, it doesn’t matter what the law says if it isn’t enforced.* Fortunately Massachusetts and other states can take it upon themselves enforce to enforce similar state-level protections.

So what will he focus on instead? We can expect that he will vigorously support Trump’s policies on deporting undocumented immigrants and probably enforce the Muslim ban. (He’s no Sally Yates, bless her heart.) He twice tried to pass legislation to make English the official language of government, i.e. removing your right to get government services in a language you understand. I think it’s fair to say he’s not a friend to immigrants.

Many have been upset over allegations that he is racist but less attention has been given to his opposition to legalizing marijuana. He has even said that “Good people don’t smoke marijuana”. Massachusetts and the other states and cities that have legalized or decriminalized marijuana could face increased federal interference. The Obama administration generally declined to enforce the federal laws in such places, to allow the fledgling experiment in legalization a chance to show results. Left alone, it may succeed or it may fail, and in either case we will have a better sense of what works. Under Sessions, as marijuana business owners and employees face prison and banks risk having their assets seized if they loan to these businesses, the prospects for success are dim. It would be a shame to undo decades of work, especially now that even many Republicans have become open to a softer approach to drug enforcement.

Sessions has many other troubling positions, too many to name here. For instance, he favors private prisons, so he may undo the DOJ’s recent moratorium on private federal prisons.

There are many threats to civil liberty under Sessions and Trump, so it is up to us at the state and local levels to defend and make lives better for our fellow citizens. We can start by passing HD.2714/SD.1128, HD.1794/SD.500, and SD.1389.

*As a fun example, Obama Attorney General Eric Holder stopped defending Section 3 of the Defense of Marriage Act in court, before the Supreme Court finally declared it unconstitutional. That made Jeff Sessions really angry.

Sources:

http://www.politifact.com/georgia/statements/2013/jan/14/hank-johnson/does-us-have-highest-percentage-people-prison/

https://www.bja.gov/programs/justicereinvestment/index.html

https://www.themarshallproject.org/2016/11/18/8-ways-jeff-sessions-could-change-criminal-justice#.BOsRgTAFw

http://www.politico.com/story/2017/01/jeff-sessions-views-attorney-general-233383

http://abcnews.go.com/Politics/jeff-sessions-race-civil-rights/story?id=43633501

http://www.cnn.com/2016/07/18/politics/donald-trump-black-lives-matter/

https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/nov/18/jeff-sessions-trump-attorney-general-criminal-justice-reform

http://www.ontheissues.org/International/Jeff_Sessions_Immigration.htm

http://fortune.com/2017/01/10/jeff-sessions-marijuana-confirmation-hearing/

The Human Toll of Austerity, or What Got Left out of Baker’s State of the State

By Jacques Chouinard

During his State of the State speech last Tuesday, Governor Charlie Baker congratulated himself on his commitment to addressing the opioid epidemic. He also congratulated himself on curtailing public spending in order to reduce the deficit without raising taxes. These priorities, however, are in fundamental conflict.

In December, in an act largely buried by the news around the presidential transition, Governor Baker unilaterally cut $98 million from the state budget, taking the axe to a wide range of programs. Among the agencies hit was the state Bureau of Substance Abuse Assistance (BSAA), which faced cuts of nearly $2 million. This money is neither an abstraction nor a rounding error: this is money that would be used to hire treatment and prevention coordinators, as well as to fund various treatment and community programs that directly combat addiction in local communities.

As a working paramedic, I see the devastating effects of opioid addiction on a daily basis. Opiate overdoses have become some of the most common emergencies we respond to, and many of the patients we treat have overdosed multiple times. While many of these people are successfully resuscitated (usually through the prodigious use of Narcan), an estimated 987 Massachusetts residents died of opioid-related causes the first six months of 2016 alone.

Baker made a step in the right direction last year when he provided $700,000 in Narcan grants to communities around the state. These grants allowed communities to supply Narcan to their first responders, which undoubtedly saved lives. While Narcan grants save lives in the short-term, the only way to effectively combat the opioid epidemic is to provide lasting solutions for addicts and to develop strong prevention programs that are visible to community members. By slashing funding to the BSAA, Baker removed resources intended to provide long-term treatment and rehabilitation to addicts across the state. These resources were also aimed at stemming the epidemic at its source, through the use of school prevention specialists and community outreach programs that can help prevent people resist the pull of opiates altogether.

Such short-termism has been a pervasive problem in state budgeting, as our elected officials fail to make the long-term investments in public health, education, and transportation necessary to guarantee that the Commonwealth for all of its residents. The Fair Share Amendment (“millionaire’s tax”), which will be on the ballot next year (and for which many Progressive Mass members are volunteering), will be a step in the right direction, but there is much more work to do.

By cutting funding to long-term solutions, Baker has shown he has little interest in concrete measures to end the opioid epidemic. People are still dying, and most of them are young. Telling a mother that her child has died from an overdose is one of the hardest things I have had to do. I doubt that Governor Baker can say the same.