What Resistance Looks Like: A Progressive Mass Chapter’s Perspective

Jan Soma, Progressive Needham

Progressive Needham is pushing back against the dangerous overreach of the Trump administration by mobilizing supporters. We focused on resisting authoritarianism through non-cooperation in our September 2025 meetings. For example, we looked at ways we can all weaken the pillars that allow Trump to maintain power that Eric Chenoweth highlights in her book Civil Resistance.

Among the ideas generated:

    • Support MA bills/ballot questions that rise above current authoritarian policy (e.g., same day voting and immigration protections).  

    • Support labor unions. 

    • Encourage federal legislators to have public hearings that shine light on wrongdoing. 

    • Boycott companies that don’t share your values (note recent success with Disney/Jimmy Kimmel). 

    • Donate to organizations that sue to uphold laws that protect our democracy. 

    • Tell your alma mater that you want them to fight back against federal government extortion efforts. 

    • Support faith institutions that provide sanctuary for immigrants and reject the politicization of religious organizations. 

    • Encourage teachers to refuse federal government control over what they teach. 

    • Help elect pro-democracy candidates across the country. 

    • Support DEI

Karen Walker, who represented the Needham Area Immigration Justice Task Force, gave a presentation on how we can push back and protect immigrants who are being targeted by ICE. Action ideas to support immigrants are summarized here.

We also signed a letter from Progressive Massachusetts to thank Governor Healey for protecting vaccine access in Massachusetts.  

In this work, we join grassroots organizations, like Indivisible, from across the country and other Progressive Mass chapters across the state, in building support for spirited, nonviolent protests and actions.   

If you live in Needham, contact us here to get on Progressive Needham’s list. We’d love to see you at our next event! If you don’t live in Needham, find a local chapter near you here or contact chapters@progressivemass.com to learn how you could organize a chapter in your community. 

2025 Ballot Question Info Session Follow-ups

Thank you so much for joining our ballot question info session last night! You can watch the video:

Check out links below for how to get involved. Find it overwhelming to coordinate across several campaigns? Let me know, and I can help coordinate across campaigns to get you materials. Just email me back or fill out this form

Yes for a Safe Massachusetts (Gun Safety)

This is the one guaranteed question on the ballot next year due to the state NRA affiliate collecting signatures for a veto referendum. It is a YES to keep the gun safety law. 

Overview of the new gun safety law: https://www.mapreventgunviolence.org/_files/ugd/b6bae3_75df0455b1824bccab7b3a5a0498e712.pdf
Ballot campaign website: yesforasafema.com

Keep Mass Home (Rent Control)

Website: keepmasshome.com

Campaign Materials: hfama.us/materials

Volunteer: https://www.keepmasshome.com/get-involved

Legislative Effectiveness and Accountability Partnership (Stipend Reform) 

Website: https://www.stipendreform.com/

Volunteer: https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSd-3Cf3u9iVdCu3I4tP4C1_sK_KRnBetkSuLlNFiJi4t_yGTA/viewform

Open Records

To get involved with this campaign, contact Auditor Diana DiZoglio via https://www.dianaforma.com/feedback or via diana@dianadizoglio.com. 

Universal Voting Rights

Website: https://www.edc-unlockdemocracyma.com/ 

Signature Collection Form: https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSdyVHxOufZvPMswUIcrryszKtoxd5mNlrkoDxUp4lhvtBr9Wg/viewform

Election Day Registration

Email info@billgalvin.org or Norma Shulman at nbshulman@gmail.com. 

Website: https://electiondayvoterregistration.com/

Progressive Massachusetts Stands in Solidarity with Worcester City Councilor Etel Haxhiaj

Councilor Haxhiaj is fighting every day on the ground with and for her constituents. She has been a champion of housing justice, climate justice, and immigrants’ rights–a leader who speaks with moral clarity and backs it up with action. 

We condemn the retaliation against her for defending her constituent against a brutal and unnecessary abduction. Communities are under attack daily by lawless, violent ICE agents, and local elected leaders are best positioned to intervene to protect their constituents and to make clear that our communities do not support President Trump’s harmful, xenophobic agenda. City Councilor Etel Haxhiaj stands up for her constituents, and we stand with her. 

Top 12 Excuses You’ll Hear When Lobbying Your Legislators

Your state legislators may be good at many things, but being creative in the excuses that they give you is not one of them. When you lobby your legislators on key issues, you’ll likely hear the same set of excuses. We highlight what the most common ones are — and why they don’t hold up — below.

(1) Lack of Knowledge

What They Say: “I’m not familiar with the issue.”

Why It Doesn’t Hold Up: If a bill is new, they might actually not be that familiar (even though it is their job). But if they keep asking you for more and more answers, or keep saying they aren’t familiar even after you’ve spoken with them, they’re not being honest with you. This is an easy excuse to neutralize.

(2) Lack of Expertise / Focus

What They Say: “My expertise is [ISSUE], and I only focus on that.” / “There are more than 6,000 bills. I can’t read all or co-sponsor all of them!” 

Why It Doesn’t Hold Up: Your legislators aren’t just elected to work on one narrow issue. They should care about a broad set of issues, and co-sponsorship is the lowest-hanging fruit when it comes to ways to show support.

(3) Lack of Pressure

What They Say: “My constituents aren’t calling me about this.” / “My constituents don’t care about this.” 

Why It Doesn’t Hold Up: Make sure that they are actually hearing from constituents. If they still claim this after public displays of support for legislation, then they are just making excuses for their own lack of support for it.

(4) Lack of Popular Support

What They Say: “My district is very conservative.” 

Why It Doesn’t Hold Up: Studies have shown that both Democrats and Republicans believe that their districts are more socially and economically conservative than they really are. This is true in MA where Biden beat Trump in more districts than Democrats hold in either chamber. But beyond that, it’s the job of legislators to lead.

(5) Lack of Will

What They Say: “I don’t sign on to things.” /  “If I take a public position, it harms my ability to negotiate.” / “I’m in Leadership, so I don’t co-sponsor.” 

Why It Doesn’t Hold Up: As noted earlier, co-sponsorship is the most basic of asks. Moreover, strong starting asks actually increase negotiating power if you want a strong outcome. But if your legislator won’t co-sponsor bills at all, still urge them to support a bill and ask what they will do to build support for it. 

(6) Lack of Leadership

What They Say: “You don’t need to bother me. Spend your time on other legislators.”

Why It Doesn’t Hold Up: Even the best legislators need reinforcement–it helps them make a better case to Leadership about why they need to vote on X, Y, or Z. Moreover, passive supporters of legislation can be made into active supporters: true champions who lobby colleagues and Leadership. 

(7) Lack of Independence

What They Say: “What does Leadership think about it?” 

Why It Doesn’t Hold Up: Legislators serve at the will of their constituents, not the Leadership of the chamber. You — not the Speaker or Senate President — are their boss. Accordingly, if Leadership isn’t on board with a bill yet, it’s their job to change that reality, not resign themselves to it.

(8) Lack of Time

What They Say: ““We have a lot of competing priorities.” / “I’m busy with the budget!”

Why It Doesn’t Hold Up: Here in Massachusetts, we have a full-time legislature. The legislative session goes from January in the odd-numbered year to July in the subsequent even-numbered year—more than a year and a half. If they run out of time, it’s because of their procrastination — and they should start legislating earlier, rather than waiting until the end of the session.

(9) Lack of Money

What They Say: “We don’t have the money.” 

Why It Doesn’t Hold Up: We are one of the richest states in the country. “Not enough money” is never an acceptable excuse for not ensuring a high quality of life for all.

(10) Lack of Initiative 

What They Say: “We don’t have consensus on this.”

Why It Doesn’t Hold Up: Legislators should be proactive, not seek to make policy based on the lowest common denominator. If other legislators are not on board yet, your legislator should try to be a partner in bringing them on board, and not deflect for them.  

(11) Lack of Ability to Maneuver

What They Say: “I don’t co-sponsor bills that pass through the committee I chair / serve on in order to give every bill a fair hearing and preserve my leverage in the redrafting process.” 

Why It Doesn’t Hold Up: A legislative committee is not a court of law where impartiality is critical. Legislators, chairs included, enter every committee hearing with opinions on the bills before them, and indeed, they can file bills that appear before the committees that they chair and/or serve on. This is a common excuse, although it is not a good one. However, if a legislator won’t co-sponsor, follow up by asking them, “What will you do instead to show your support?” If they want you to believe that they are an ally behind the scenes, demand that they show you how.

(12) Lack of Independence

What They Say: “I don’t co-sponsor bills because I’m in Leadership.”

Why It Doesn’t Hold Up: We need our leaders tolead. The idea that those in a room making a decision can’t be public about their support is a self-imposed constraint, not something baked into any rule. Similar to #11, if a legislator won’t co-sponsor, follow up by asking them, “What will you do instead to show your support?” If they want you to believe that they are an ally behind the scenes, demand that they show you how.

Transparency Advocates Call out Legislature’s Violation of Its New Rules 

Last month, the Massachusetts House and Senate finally agreed to a package of reforms in the Joint Rules, with measures to improve access to information and create a more efficient legislative process. But according to transparency advocates, the legislature is not obeying its own rules. 

Ironically, the Legislature’s tenuous relationship to rule-following was on display the day they passed these new transparency reforms: on June 26, 2025, the House voted to suspend the rules in order to vote later that day. 

Did Members Read the Budget? The new rules stipulate that conference reports must be available for 24 hours before a vote, and that they cannot be voted on the next calendar day if posted after 8 pm. However, according to the bill page for the conference report (H.4240), the conference report for the FY 2026 budget was released on June 30 and voted on later that day. 

What Happened to 10 Days Notice for Hearings? The new Joint Rules require that committees give 10 days notice before scheduling a hearing. This reform responds to years of calls from advocates to give members of the public and rank-and-file lawmakers more time to plan and prepare for public hearings. 

However, since Joint Rules were passed just two weeks ago, a hearing of the Joint Committee on Public Service was recently scheduled for July 16th with 9 days notice. More recently, a hearing of the Joint Committee on Labor and Workforce Development scheduled for July 15th with only 6 days notice. 

“Seeing the legislature finalize rules reforms for the first time in 6 years was an exciting moment for our state democracy,” said Act on Mass executive director Scotia Hille. “With the ink barely dried, to see them flouting those rules just days later is a really disappointing bait-and-switch. These lapses undermine the intent of the reforms, leaving the public and rank-and-file lawmakers still scrambling to attend hearings and read legislation. They also exacerbate confusion about procedure. Why write down rules if you’re not going to follow them?” 

Is the House Following Its Rolling Deadlines? The House, earlier this year, adopted a new set of rolling deadlines. According to the House’s own rules, reinforced in the Joint Rules’s recognition of these deadlines from House sides of joint committees, committees will report out bills within 60 days of a hearing. After that hearing, the chair may ask for a 30-day extension. 

As of today, ten hearings occurred more than 90 days ago, and additional 18 occurred more than 60 days ago. 

According to an analysis of these hearings, of the ten hearings that occurred more than 90 days ago, only three committees (Public Health, Cannabis Policy, and Elections) have taken action on the bills in their purview, with the House Elections Committee rejecting a proposed constitutional amendment without a recorded vote. 

The House Public Health Committee and the House Cannabis Policy Committee, to their credit, both provide recorded votes, but with inconsistent formats. The House Public Health Committee lists recorded votes as PDFs under an inconspicuous “Documents” tab on the hearing page, whereas the House Cannabis Policy Committee includes a recorded vote on the page of the redrafted bill itself, a more accessible placement. 

No bill page has an indication of an extension, leaving a large number of bills in a state of limbo.

“The House promised greater transparency with its new rules, but by leaving so many bills in limbo, everyday people are left with less information about the status of bills than they did before,” said Jonathan Cohn, policy director of Progressive Massachusetts. 

Will Committees Make Testimony Available to the Public? The rules give discretion to chairs to set policies and procedures around making testimony available to the public. As of now, only two committees — Aging and Independence and Municipalities and Regional Governments — are defaulting to making all testimony available, publishing it on the hearing page. Both deserve credit for setting a model that other committees should follow. 

Contact: 

Jonathan Cohn, jonathan@progressivemass.comScotia Hille, scotia@actonmass.org

MA Passed a Budget on Time. What’s in It?

Let’s start out with the ugly, and then the good and the bad.

The UGLY: Yesterday, the US Senate passed a horror show of a budget to take away health care access and food assistance in order to fund tax cuts for the mega-rich and large corporations, and to create a police state in the US by increasing ICE’s budget several times over. If passed, it will be a disaster for the country and for Massachusetts. If you have friends in other states who have Republican Senators or Representatives, ask them to make a phone call in opposition to the Big Ugly Bill.

THE GOOD: On Monday, the Massachusetts State House did something it hasn’t done since 2016: it passed a budget before the end of the fiscal year.

There are some major victories in this budget to celebrate:

  • Banning tenant-paid broker’s fees
  • $2.5 million in continued funding for an access to counsel program, which provides legal representation to low-income tenants facing eviction
  • $5 million for an immigrant legal defense fund
  • Permanently fare-free regional transit authorities
  • Increased funding for our public schools

THE BAD: But there were also disappointments in the budget:

  • Only $1 million in dedicated funding for No Cost Calls implementation
  • Less funding for local aid
  • Insufficient funding for housing safety net programs
  • Insufficient funds for SNAP case workers

Read more about the state budget here, here, and here.

Write to your legislator to express your support for the budget wins and your disappointment with what was left out.

Email Your Legislators


Healey Wants to Spend $360 Million on a New Prison. Tell Her No Way.

For years, our friends at Families for Justice as Healing have been organizing against a proposed $50 million new women’s prison to replace MCI-Framingham.

How has Governor Maura Healey responded? By proposing a $360 million new women’s prison.

Incarcerated and formerly incarcerated women and girls have been clear: what we need is not a new prison, but greater programming for those currently incarcerated, better reentry programs for people when they return to community, and greater community investments in housing, health care, education, and economic security and opportunity.

Think of how much that $360 million could do if it went instead to keeping communities safe and ending cycles of incarceration and harm.

Join FJaH in telling Governor Healey to stop the $360 million new women’s prison with the action toolkit at bit.ly/FreeHerMA.

Call daily between 9am and 5pm only – (617) 725-4005

Email any time using this form: https://www.mass.gov/info-details/email-the-governors-office Sample Email/Script:

“Hello, my name is _________________ and I am your constituent. I oppose your plan to build a $360 million women’s prison. Spending hundreds of millions of dollars on prison construction is not investing in people’s wellbeing and will not make our communities safer. Our communities need this money for housing, healing, healthcare, treatment and more. We could actually make Massachusetts a model for the rest of the country by releasing many more women and implementing alternatives to incarceration rather than building yet another prison.”


Another Budget Takeaway: Fair Share Delivers

One major budget takeaway: The Fair Share Amendment has been delivering even more than expected, and it has proven essential. The Fair Share Amendment has been producing even more revenue than projected, and it has made possible critical new investments in education and transportation. Learn more about its $6 billion in positive impact so far at https://www.fairsharema.com/.


Press Release on Joint Rules Agreement

Earlier this year, both Speaker Ron Mariano and Senate President Karen Spilka promised reforms to make a more transparent, efficient, and accountable legislative process. We are delighted that, for the first time in six years, the House and Senate have agreed to Joint Rules, and that these new rules contain concrete, pro-democracy improvements. 

We have been clear for years that better process helps produce better policy, and that the top-down, closed-door way that Beacon Hill operates disempowers the public (at the expense of monied interests) and makes it harder for rank-and-file legislators to do their job. 

These new rules will make it easier for everyday people to engage in the legislative process by increasing the notice for hearings to ten days, providing bill summaries, and establishing hearing schedules earlier in the session. These new rules will provide greater accountability by making committee votes public and by making testimony publicly available. They will empower rank-and-file legislators to engage more in the policymaking process by making their votes more meaningful and their attendance at hearings more expected. They will push against the bottlenecks that occur late in the session by pushing up reporting deadlines. 

We look forward to holding Beacon Hill accountable to their new rules. Rules only improve the process if they are, in fact, followed. 

These new rules should be the beginning, not the end, of democratic reforms. That we have them at all is a credit to years of advocacy and popular education, the landslide win of Question 1 on the ballot last year, and the willingness of candidates to make Beacon Hill’s inertia and lack of transparency a key issue. There is more to do, such as structural reforms like fixing a stipend system that centralizes power or the deeper work of changing the culture of Beacon Hill in a way that encourages legislators to be more willing to speak out, stand out, and not settle for inertia and small wins. But today, we celebrate. 

Beacon Hill’s New Rules Are Late But Contain Wins for Democracy

At the start of the new legislative session, both Senate President Karen Spilka and House Speaker Ron Mariano pledged a commitment to increase the transparency, accountability, and efficiency of the legislative process.

Later that month, we helped organize 30 advocacy organizations on a joint letter outlining out a suite of reforms to boost public trust in the legislative process and to make a better process for rank-and-file legislators.

With a week left until we hit the second half of 2025, we finally have agreed-upon Joint Rules from the MA House and MA Senate, the set of practices and procedures governing how joint House-Senate committees operate. (They still need a vote, but that is assured.) Rules determine timelines, deadlines, access to information, and more.

Although the fact that this did not occur until late June is damning, the fact that it happened at all is exciting, as the Legislature has been punting on the issue of Joint Rules since 2019 due to previously irreconcilable differences. It is also exciting to see real wins for the community of activists and advocates fighting for greater transparency and democracy in the State House.

It’s been clear from the start that the House and Senate would agree to a new rule in which House committee members report out House bills and Senate members report out Senate bills. And that was in these new Rules.

But what else is new in the new Rules? (See a more detailed mark-up here.)

NEW WIN: 10-Day Hearing Notice

How much notice should be provided for joint committee hearings has been a sticking point between the House and Senate since 2019. The Senate has advocated for 5 days, but the House has wanted to stick to 72 hours. Those were their positions in their Joint Rules proposals earlier this year.

However, in our letter in January, we argued for two weeks: two weeks is the standard for people seeking vacation time off work, and if we want everyday people to be able to testify, we should provide two weeks of advance notice. By embracing a 10-day standard, the Joint Rules were more pro-participation than either chamber’s original proposal.

NEW WIN: Hearing Schedules

In our joint letter, we urged joint committees to establish clear hearing schedules for the session early on (we said April 1st). The new Joint Rules say that joint committees must provide a schedule of hearing dates within three weeks of committee appointments. Again, this is more pro-participation than either chamber’s original proposal. Both this and the ten-day notice rule recognize that what is good for the public is good for rank-and-file legislators. If we want meaningful hearings, then people need to be able to show up to testify, and legislators need to show up to listen to them. That can only happen with sufficient notice.

NEW WIN: Public Hearing on Rules

At the end of the two-year session, the Joint Committee on Rules will conduct a comprehensive review of the joint rules, including a public hearing where everyday people can testify. Legislators have often said that regular people don’t care about the rules when they have argued against transparency measures; this shows that they have finally acknowledged people do.

Committee Votes

All joint committee votes will be recorded and posted on the Legislature’s website within 48 hours. This has been a sticking point for six years between the House and Senate and the subject of significant advocacy (and public shock at our outlier status).

Unfortunately, the language about committee votes does not include House language that would have required co-chairs provide committee members with a redlined version of any bill they are expected to vote on, and it does not include Senate language specifying that study orders (a polite way of killing a bill) require votes.

The new rules also specify that if no action is taken on a bill, it will be given a study order. This could become a way to avoid taking votes on bills and will have to be guarded against.

Publicly Available Testimony

Joint committees will be required to make written testimony publicly available, with limitations for testimony that includes sensitive personal information, obscene content, or information that may jeopardize the health, wellness, or safety of the testifier or others. This is a win for access to information vis-a-vis existing rules, but not as far as the Senate’s proposal and what we called for. The Joint Rules will allow committee chairs to set the rules regarding how testimony is made publicly available, but the best standard would be to simply post all of it (with the above redactions as needed), as done in several other states. We’ll have to see how this all works in practice.

Bill Summaries

Joint committees will be required to make a summary of each bill publicly available on the General Court website prior to its hearing. Summaries will be written by committee staff, as per the House proposal, instead of the bill filers themselves (as per the Senate’s).

Earlier Reporting Deadline

Joint committees will now have until the first Wednesday in December of the first year of the session (as opposed to the first February in the second year) to take action on all bills in their purview, an attempt at avoiding the legislative backlog that always results and at setting up the second year for a clear focus on legislating. The House will still abide by the rolling deadlines in its own rules, which require bills to be reported out 60 days after they are heard (with the possibility of an additional 30-day extension).

Conference Committees

As per the Senate’s original proposal, the first meeting of a conference committee (the three senators and three representatives negotiating versions of a bill) will be open to the public and media. We should hope that these are more meaningful meetings than the one held by the Joint Committee on Rules, which was more of a mumbling and disjointed press conference than a real meeting.

Also, as per the Senate’s original proposal, a minimum of 24 hours of will be required between a conference committee report filing and a legislative vote, allowing more time for review by legislators and the public. If a conference committee report is filed after 8:00pm, it cannot be voted on until the second calendar day following the day on which it was filed. More time for review is good for the public and good for rank-and-file legislators.

In a limited version of a House proposal, conference reports would be accompanied by summaries, but only “whenever practicable.”

Tracking Attendance

The House proposal had argued for tracking attendance at joint committee hearings, and the Senate proposal excluded any such measure.

The Joint Rules landed on a place that recognizes the importance of showing up while accommodating excused absences. The new attendance record-keeping would begin on October 1 (it is unclear why so late) and would count attendance both in-person and remote, both full and partial (regarding the length of the hearing).

Chairs would record all members as “Present”, “Not Present”, or “Hearing conflicts with a legislative session, hearing, conference committee or commission meeting under joint rule 29A,” posted along with the archived hearing livestream video. A member who is not present due to military service, a medical emergency, or other specified reason as agreed to by the rules of the joint committee, shall have such reason noted on the recorded attendance.

Formal Sessions Past July 31st

The the new Joint Rules would permit the Legislature to meet in formal session after July 31 in the second year of the legislative session in the following cases: reports of conference committees formed on or before July 31, appropriation bills filed after July 31, and gubernatorial vetoes or amendments. We argued against pushing more of the work of the session after July 31st, as legislators are not in the State House as regularly and thus decision-making would be more centralized and less accountable. Last session’s practice of conference committees going on through the fall and unfinished business as of July 31 wasn’t one worth encouraging.

Letter to AG Campbell to Protect Immigrant Taxpayers

Progressive Mass was proud to sign on to the letter below, organized by Greater Boston Legal Services.

June 5, 2025

Honorable Andrea Joy Campbell

Massachusetts Attorney General

One Ashburton Place

Boston, MA  02118

Re: A petition to challenge the impending use of confidential IRS data for immigration enforcement

Dear Attorney General Campbell,

On behalf of the many immigrant families living in Massachusetts, the undersigned urge you and other Attorneys General to consider bringing a lawsuit against the Internal Revenue Service (IRS). The goal of the suit is to prevent the agency from implementing a recent Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) which would allow Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) for the first time to use confidential taxpayer information as immigrant locator tools.

Unlike individual plaintiffs who would put themselves at risk of deportation, Attorneys General have standing to bring their own challenges based on the lost revenue resulting from vulnerable immigrants dropping out of the tax system.

Background

DHS wants access to immigrant tax data in order to expedite the mass deportation mandate under Executive Order 14161 from the President. The broad scope of the data sought is apparent from the first paragraph of the MOU which references the EO:

WHEREAS by Executive Order (EO) No. 14161, Protecting the United States from Foreign Terrorists and Other National Security and Public Safety Threats, 90 Fed. Reg. 8451 (Jan. 20, 2025), the President directed the Secretary of State, in coordination with the Attorney General, the Secretary of Homeland Security, and the Director of National Intelligence, to take immediate steps to identify, exclude, or remove aliens illegally present in the United States;

The administration believes that DHS access to the personal data of immigrant taxpayers is permissible under an exception to the tax-privacy statute that allows for the investigation and trial-preparation of federal criminal statutes. 26 U.S.C. § 6103(i)(2). There is no exception for civil immigration enforcement. There do not appear to be safeguards to ensure that the information shared would only be used for actual criminal investigations. While most information-sharing requires judicial oversight, the (i)(2) exception allows access to a subset of IRS data without going to a court. It is feared that the information extracted from IRS records will inevitably be utilized for civil immigration enforcement, a clear violation of taxpayer privacy rules. These strict privacy protections were enacted in response to Nixonian abuses and the present contemplated mass transfer of taxpayer information is utterly unprecedented. High level IRS officials including an acting Commissioner have resigned over concerns that the MOU violates taxpayer privacy rules.

A lawsuit by the Attorney(s) General would challenge the administration’s efforts to break down one of the strongest firewalls for government data: the privacy afforded to tax information. See 26 U.S.C. § 6103 (tax-privacy statute). Starting with people who have final orders of removal and subject to criminal investigations, the administration seeks to build information pipelines from tax-related agencies—such as IRS and SSA—to ICE. A pending lawsuit[1] in the D.C. Circuit has an uncertain future and we are looking to your office to take up the baton before it is too late.

The administration has stated its intent to seek information for as many as seven million people using this pipeline, alongside its articulated desire to create a “mega API” for IRS data. While DHS argues that it primarily targets those with final deportation orders (which have rarely resulted in criminal prosecutions) it is unlikely that ICE will truly undertake the time and expense to pursue criminal proceedings for so many people. Furthermore, those of us who have represented immigrant taxpayers before the IRS do not believe the agency has the competency to verify another agency’s criminal investigations particularly given the high volume of investigations that DHS would have to undertake.

The reported agreement has caused panic and confusion in the immigrant community among the many taxpayers who have relied on the IRS to keep their tax data private. The IRS encourages all taxpayers to comply with their tax filing obligations regardless of their immigration status, issues Individual Taxpayer Identification Numbers (ITINs) to those ineligible for social security numbers to facilitate compliance and has assured taxpayers –up to now- that their information is protected. ITINs were never intended to be tools for immigration enforcement. Indeed, immigrant ITIN filers pay more than their share of income taxes in Massachusetts and undocumented workers contribute payroll taxes even though they may never be able to access the Social Security or Medicare benefits they pay for with each paycheck.

Immigrant families have been traumatized. They are afraid to attend immigration hearings, go to work, send their kids to school, or even attend community gatherings such as church services. Now will they be putting themselves and/or family members at risk by filing their tax returns? A recent study from the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (ITEP) found that undocumented immigrants in Massachusetts contribute $650 million in state and local taxes. Immigrant workers are critical to our state economy and this breach in taxpayer privacy threatens to disrupt our taxpaying workforce. If the agreement is executed, immigrants will go further underground and we will see “downstream consequences” to our state revenues. Our tax system is built on voluntary compliance. ITEP has raised the alarm that tax revenues will decrease if the IRS is weaponized against immigrants and their tax information is used against them. We all lose when taxpayer privacy is weakened and inevitably results in the erosion of trust in the tax system.

We know you are already doing a great deal to alert and educate the residents of Massachusetts including immigrants, but a legal suit on behalf of vulnerable immigrant taxpayers seems necessary to prevent this imminent abuse of the law.

We look forward to discussing any questions you may have. Thank you for reading this and for all that the AG’s Office is doing during these very uncertain times. 

Sincerely,

Agencia ALPHA

Asian American Civic Association

Asian Taskforce Against Domestic Violence (ATASK)

The Boston Foundation

Boston Immigration Justice Accompaniment Network (BIJAN)

Black Ministerial Alliance of Greater Boston (BMA TenPoint)

Boston Tax Help Coalition, Office of Workforce Development, City of Boston

Brazilian Workers Center

Brazilian Women’s Group

Brockton Workers Alliance

Cambridge Economic Opportunity Committee (CEOC)

Center for New Americans

Centro Presente

Children’s Health Watch  

Chinese Progressive Association

Coalition for Social Justice Action

Community Action Agency of Somerville (CAAS)

Community Economic Development Center- New Bedford (CEDC)

Community Labor United

Dominican Development Center

English for New Bostonians

Greater Boston Labor Council 

Greater Boston Legal Services

Haitian Community Partners Foundation

Health Law Advocates

Healthy Families Tax Credit Coalition

Horizons for Homeless Children

Immigrant Family Services Institute (IFSI) 

Immigrant Service Providers Group/Health, Somerville

International Institute of New England

Jewish Alliance for Law and Social Action (JALSA)

Jewish Vocational Services (JVS)

Justice at Work

Justice Center of Southeast Massachusetts

Kids in Need of Defense (KIND)

La Colaborativa

Lawrence Community Works

Legal Key Partnership for Health and Justice

Lynn Rapid Response Network

Lynn Worker’s Center

Massachusetts Advocates for Children

Massachusetts AFL-CIO

Massachusetts Association for Community Action (MASSCAP)

Massachusetts Association of Community Development Corporations

Massachusetts Coalition of Domestic Workers

Massachusetts Budget and Policy Center (MassBudget)

Massachusetts Immigrant and Refugee Advocacy Coalition (MIRA)

Massachusetts Immigrant Collaborative (MIC)

Massachusetts Law Reform Institute (MLRI)  

Massachusetts Coalition for Occupational Safety and Health (MassCOSH)

MetroWest Worker Center/Centro del Trabajador  

Neighbor to Neighbor Massachusetts

Northeast Justice Center 

Northshore Community Development Coalition

Office of State Representative Russell Holmes

Office of State Senator Liz Miranda

Open Door Immigration Services

Pathway for Immigrant Workers

Progressive Massachusetts

Project Citizenship

RESULTS-Massachusetts

Rosie’s Place

Safety Net Project, Wilmer Hale Legal Services Center, Harvard Law School

SEIU Local 509

Strategies for Children

The House of the Seven Gables Settlement Association

The Neighbourhood Developers (TND)

Unitarian Universalist Massachusetts Action Network (UUMassAction)

United Auto Workers (UAW) Local 2322

The Welcome Project 

Watertown Citizens for Peace, Justice and the Environment

Women’s Bar Association of Massachusetts

Women’s Institute for Leadership Development (WILD)


[1] Centro de Trabajadores Unidos, et al. v. Bessent, et al., 1:25-cv-00677 (D.D.C.)This case was filed by Public Citizen before the Treasury-DHS Memorandum of Understanding, based on reporting of imminent disclosure of the information of tax filers using Individual Taxpayer Identification Numbers (ITINs). As part of the litigation, the MOU, partially redacted, was made public confirming that a much wider target group of taxpayers is at risk. On May 12 the Court denied the Plaintiff’s request for preliminary injunction.

MA Senate FY 2026 Budget: What Votes Occurred on Record?

On Thursday, the MA Senate wrapped up debate on its FY 2026 budget proposal. You can read an overview of the investments in the budget here.

1,058 amendments were filed to the initial Ways & Means proposal. Of those, 493 were adopted, 371 were rejected, and 194 were withdrawn without discussion or debate.

Only 21 of the 1,058 amendments received a roll call (recorded yes/no) vote. Two-thirds (14 of the 21) were unanimous, offering no accountability but just an easy press release for a lead sponsor.

Several of the amendments were rejected on a 34-5 party line vote:

  • 34-5 against an amendment from Sen. Bruce Tarr (R-Gloucester) to worsen our housing crisis by making it easier for cities and towns to evade MBTA Communities Act compliance (Amendment #13, Roll Call #43)
  • 34-5 against an amendment from Sen. Bruce Tarr (R-Gloucester) to create a commission stacked with anti-tax and business groups to study unemployment insurance cost increases attributable to the disallowed use of federal COVID-19 relief funds for unemployment claims, and the resulting settlement agreement between the commonwealth and the federal government (Amendment #96, Roll Call #44)
  • 34-5 against an amendment from Sen. Bruce Tar (R-Gloucester) to redirect excess capital gains tax revenue to the rainy day fund away from the state’s pension liability fund (Amendment #263, Roll Call #45)
  • 34-5 against an amendment from Sen. Bruce Tarr (R-Gloucester) to raise the estate tax threshold to $3 million and drain vital revenue from the Commonwealth to redistribute wealth upwards (Amendment #756, Roll Call #47)

The Senate also voted 30 to 9 against an amendment from Sen. Bruce Tarr (R-Gloucester) to block the transition to zero-emissions vehicles and scapegoat climate and energy efficiency regulations for higher energy prices (Amendment #373, Roll Call #46). Joining the 5 Republicans were Senators Mike Brady (D-Brockton), Nick Collins (D-South Boston), Mark Montigny (D-New Bedford), and Michael Moore (D-Auburn).

The Senate voted 34 to 5 in support of an amendment from Sen. Cindy Friedman (D-Arlington) to enable the Health Policy Commission to cap certain prescription drug prices. (Amendment #541, Roll Call #33). It was party line except for Sen. John Keenan (D-Quincy) voting no and Sen. Patrick O’Connor (D-Weymouth) voting yes.