How Two Ballot Referenda Propose to Reduce State Income Tax Revenues

Fred Berman, Mystic Mashup Indivisible

How Two Ballot Referenda Propose to Reduce State Income Tax Revenues and the Implications

While much attention has been understandably focused on the threats posed by the Trump Administration to our democracy, to the civil and constitutional rights of our neighbors, to our safety net programs, to our school systems and universities, and to our ability to sustain and strengthen the physical infrastructure that our economy needs to grow while protecting the environment – housing, public transportation, clean energy …  another less well-known threat has been brewing.

To learn more about two tax-cutting ballot referenda sponsored by the Mass. High Tech Council, the Pioneer Institute, and their anti-tax allies, I attended a workshop at the 2026 Progressive Mass annual meeting, led by Harris Gruman, Executive Director of the SEIU Mass. State Council and a co-founder of Raise Up Mass., the coalition that led the successful fight to pass the Fair Share millionaire tax constitutional amendment.

The two tax-cutting ballot referenda championed by the High Tech Council, et al. would, if passed, undermine our state’s ability to adequately support health care access, human services, public and post-secondary education systems, and the ongoing maintenance and enhancement of essential infrastructure – transportation, energy, natural resource protection – that make Massachusetts such an outstanding state to live in.  Of course, all of these sectors have already been targeted by the Trump Administration’s “One Big Beautiful Bill,” which will cut $3.7 billion in federal funding over the three-year period that began in 2025. Like the metaphoric frog in boiling water, we might not feel the impacts of these referenda in the first year, but by years two and three, when we have lost $7-10 billion of the state’s $60 billion budget, the hemorrhaging will have become all too apparent.

One ballot question calls for reducing the state income tax rate from 5% to 4% over a three-year period.  The Mass. Budget and Policy Center (“Mass Budget”) calculated that when fully implemented, that 20% income tax cut will cost the state about $5 billion/year or about 11.5% of the state’s total $43.7 billion tax revenue. 

A second ballot question calls for changing the so-called Chapter 62F formula that prescribes the annual limit or cap on tax revenue collection.  The mechanism proposed by this ballot initiative to reduce tax revenues is more arcane, but here’s my best shot at an explainer, based on what I learned at the workshop and online: 

How the Current Tax Revenue Limit Works

Established in 1986, Question 3 added Mass General Law Chapter 62F creating a state tax revenue limit and set it equal to the sum of the prior year’s state tax revenue limit plus the average growth of Mass. wages and salaries over the prior three years.(*1)  

That is,

This year’s total tax revenue limit

=

Last year’s total tax revenue limit

X

1 + percent of 3-year average wage/salary
growth (or 1, if the wage/salary growth avg. was negative)

Under the existing provisions of Chapter 62F, if this year’s revenue cap was $46.38 billion and statewide wage/salary growth over the past 3 years averaged 2.5% per year, the revenue cap for next year would be $46.38 billion X 1.025.  Note that the 4% millionaire’s tax is not taken into account (*2).  Importantly, the existing formula almost always results in an annual increase in the total tax revenue cap, and never lowers that cap, with the amount varying based on the magnitude of wage and salary growth. Only twice in the past 38 years, in 1987 and 2022, has tax revenue exceeded the cap and required a refund to taxpayers.

How the Ballot Referendum Revising the Chapter 62F Tax Cap-Setting Algorithm Would Change Things

The Chapter 62F Referendum would revise the formula for the state tax revenue limit in two ways: (1) It would add the millionaire’s tax into the equation, and (2) instead of basing this year’s tax revenue limit on last year’s tax revenue limit, it would base this year’s tax revenue limit on last year’s net tax revenues:

This year’s total tax revenue limit

=

Last year’s total net tax revenues 

X

1 + percent of 3-year average wage/salary
growth (or 1, if the wage/salary growth avg. was negative)

This is a subtle change with profound implications

  • Instead of steadily increasing the tax revenue cap, the Mass High Tech Council’s proposed algorithm would base this year’s tax revenue cap on the magnitude of last year’ net tax revenue; that is, the tax cap would decrease if the product of last year’s net tax revenue <times> last year’s wage/salary growth factor was lower than the prior year’s net tax revenue, and the tax cap would increase by only a small amount, if last year’s net tax revenue was only marginally higher than the prior year’s net tax revenue and/or if last year’s calculated 3-year average growth in wages/salaries was low.  Three subtle factors to note:
  • The inclusion of the 4% millionaire tax in the calculation of net tax revenue adds volatility to the calculation of the tax cap, because most of a millionaire’s income typically comes from investments, (e.g., the stock market) whose payouts may significantly vary from year to year. So even if other tax revenues increase from year to year, a bad stock market year could result in a lowered tax cap. 
  • Basing this year’s tax cap on last year’s net tax revenue – rather than basing it on last year’s gross tax revenue – means that if gross tax revenues were high enough last year to require a refund to taxpayers, this year’s tax cap will be based on the level of tax revenue remaining after that refund.
  • That is, (a) a low tax revenue year results in a lower increase or even a decrease in the tax cap; (b) a higher tax revenue year coming after one or more years of low tax revenues will be subject to a lower tax revenue cap, necessitating issuance a tax refund; and (c) the refund requirement in a strong tax revenue year will result in a lower tax cap the following year, because the tax cap is based on net (not gross) tax revenues.  In summary, the proposed revision to the Chapter 62F algorithm for calculating the tax revenue cap does exactly what the ballot referendum’s sponsors intended: it reduces the State’s tax collections.

To see how big an impact on net tax revenue (i.e., after required tax refunds) the Chapter 62F formula change might have, I simulated 15 years of tax collections under the following assumptions about the average annual increase in non-4% (millionaire tax) tax revenues: simulation #1 assumed a 5.25% average annual increase, simulation #2 assumed a 4.25% average annual increase, simulation #3 assumed a 3.25% average annual increase, and simulation #4 assumed a 2.25% average annual increase. In each simulation: (a) I allowed gross tax revenues (including the 4% millionaire tax) to decline in two of the 15 years. Each simulation used the same projections about annual growth in salary/wages (ranging from 1.5% to 3% and averaging at 2.48%/year) and the same projections about the annual level of revenues from the 4% millionaire tax (ranging from $1.3 to $3 billion/year and averaging $2.7 billion/year.  Here’s what I found:

 

Average Annual Revenue Increase (excludes 4% tax)

Total Revenue Collected (15 yrs.)

(includes 4% tax)

Taxes Refunded Using Current Algorithm (15 yrs.) 

(% of Total Revenue)

Taxes Refunded Using Revised 62F Algorithm (15 yrs.)

(% of Total Revenue)

# Years Chapter 62F Algorithm Required Refund

Existing Algorithm

# Years Chapter 62F Algorithm Required Refund

Proposed Algorithm

Simulation 1

5.25%

$1,055.59 billion

$97.11 billion (9.2%)

$231.86 billion (21.96%)

11 of 15

15 of 15

Simulation 2

4.25%

$973.12 billion

$30.71 billion (3.16%

$104.91 billion (10.78%)

 

6 of 15

15 of 15

Simulation 3

3.25%

$898.10 billion

 

0

$46.40 billion (5.17%)

 

0 of 15

15 of 15

Simulation 4

2.25%

$829.83 billion

 

0

$23.85 billion (2.87%)

 

0 of 15

11 of 15

  • If annual growth in gross tax revenue (incl. the 4% millionaire tax) consistently exceeds annual growth in salary/wages, gross tax revenue will start to consistently exceed both the current tax cap and the tax cap proposed by the ballot referendum. As noted above, for simulation purposes, annual growth in salary/wages averaged 2.48%, varying year to year and ranging from 1.5% to 3%.
  • The more consistently gross tax revenue (incl. the 4% millionaire tax) exceeds the annual cap, the higher the percentage of gross tax revenues that will be refunded to taxpayers – with the largest sums, of course, going to the wealthiest taxpayers.

Why would the Mass. High Tech Council (MHTC), Pioneer Institute, and their conservative anti-tax partners call for income tax cuts that, combined with cuts in President Trump’s “One Big Beautiful Bill,” will cause at least an $8 billion/year budget shortfall – more than three times the losses caused by the 2008-09 Great Recession, when annual state revenues fell by $2.5 billion?

And why would the remaining financial and tech firms and educational institutions represented on the Board of the High Tech Council – a number of organizations formerly on the MHTC Board have left the Board due to the MHTC’s sponsorship of these tax-cutting initiatives – support state revenue losses which will undermine the state’s ability to adequately support economic development, infrastructure maintenance and improvements, public safety, and educational excellence from pre-school to post-secondary … in the state where their families and employees live and work, and where the educational institutions that serve them and train their future staff are located?

Harris Gruman’s and the Raise Up Mass Coalition’s answers are two-fold:

  1. Greed: This isn’t about helping ordinary working people; these initiatives are part of a strategy to claw back some of the income that the Fair Share Millionaire’s Tax has cost members of the MHTC Board and their colleagues. The average annual tax cut that the richest 1% of taxpayers would receive is estimated at $31,600 ($608/week). The average annual tax cut that the bottom 80% of taxpayers would receive is estimated at $534 ($10/week).
  2. Greed: “It is clear that the MHTC intends to use the threat of these ballot initiatives – and the incredible damage they would do to Massachusetts – to blackmail legislators into cutting taxes for the ultra-rich and large corporations. Faced with their inability to defeat the Fair Share Amendment, they have instead chosen extortion: well-financed business interests are seeking to elevate themselves over our state government as final decision makers on Massachusetts fiscal policy.”

Harris cautions that, “This isn’t a serious effort to tackle Massachusetts’ real competitiveness problems, like the sky-high cost of housing and childcare that are driving low- and middle-income working famlies out of the state. It’s just another attempt to make the rich richer.”
He warns that “State leaders should not be tempted to negotiate in response to this blackmail attempt. If they do, the MHTC and its backers will come back with similar threats and new demands every cycle, raiding public coffers for their own benefit, while shifting the costs of diminished public services onto everyone else.”
“Furthermore, while their goal may be to extort targeted tax cuts for the ultra-wealthy and corporations from our Legislature and Governor, we can’t rule out some of them taking this all the way to the ballot as a show of force.”
For now and the next few months, the goal is getting the sponsors to end their effort to get these referenda on the ballot, and to get them to stop using the threat of these ballot initiatives to leverage a rollback of the historic Fair Share victory for fair and adequate taxes.


[1] According to an August  2025 Mass. Dept. of Revenue press release, the 5% Mass. income tax generated $23.7 billion and the 4% millionaire tax added another $3 billion in FY 25.  Sales and use taxes added $9.6 billion, corporate and business taxes added $4.7 billion, and “all other” tax collections added $2.7 billion.  Tax collections totaled $43.7 billion.

[2] A September 2025 report from the State Auditor’s office explains how Chapter 62F has worked since its inception in 1987, and in particular,  why taxpayers got refunds from the Mass. Department of Revenue (DOR) for the fiscal years 1987 and 2022.  The third footnote on page 10 explains that per the provisions of the Fair Share Amendment, revenue from the millionaire’s tax is not currently included in calculating net revenue for the purposes of determining whether net revenue exceeded the tax cap. 

2026 Annual Meeting Videos & Links

Thanks to everyone who joined us on the 31st!

You can watch Senate candidate interviews here.

If you’re interested in learning more about what’s involved in starting a chapter in your community, email chapters@progressivemass.com.

Hope to see you soon!

In Solidarity,

Progressive Mass Team


Yes for a Safe MA

Campaign website: yesforasafema.com

Campaign email: info@yesforasafema.com

Key takeaway: The more Massachusetts voters understand the law, and what’s at risk, the more likely they are to vote in our favor. We encourage folks to sign up to get involved and take action by donating, endorsing (as individuals or organizations), hosting an event, or volunteering.

Rent Control

Campaign website: https://www.keepmasshome.com/

Legislative campaign: https://www.homesforallmass.org/policy/

Legislative Reform

Slide Deck: LINK

Campaign website (Stipend Reform): https://www.stipendreform.com/

Campaign website (Public Records): https://www.dianaforma.com/ballot

Saving Our State from the Greedy Tech Bros

Campaign website: https://www.protectmassachusettsfuture.com/

Join an upcoming action: https://forms.gle/opNdicweBFdiUyzK8

Voter Contact 101

Slides: LINK

State Budget

Slide Deck: LINK

MassBudget’s website: https://massbudget.org/

MassBudget’s preliminary analysis of the Governor’s budget proposal: https://massbudget.org/2026/01/28/massbudgets-preliminary-analysis-of-governor-healeys-fy-2027-budget-and-fy-2026-supplemental-budget-proposals/

Sign up for the March 3rd MassBudget webinar on funding affordable housing through a real estate transfer fee on high-priced home sales: https://secure.massbudget.org/np/clients/mbpc/event.jsp?forwardedFromSecureDomain=1&event=54

Sign up for MassBudget’s mailing list:https://secure.massbudget.org/np/clients/mbpc/subscribe.jsp?subscription=34

Care Not Cages

Slides: LINK

If people are looking to donate, these are fundraisers for families impacted by immigration enforcement across MA: Operationmilkweed.org

Join LUCE: lucemass.org

Join BIJAN (accompaniment and bond): https://www.beyondbondboston.org/join

Overview of immigration detention: https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/detention-timeline

Tell Congress to stop ICE detention: https://actionnetwork.org/letters/464bfff89caa6e21cda6427cbcea52b9

PLYMOUTH

– To understand more about the relationship between detention capacity and ICE Arrests: https://www.ilrc.org/resources/if-you-build-it-ice-will-fill-it-link-between-detention-capacity-and-ice-arrests

– To read about detention in Plymouth County Correctional Facility over 25 years: https://www.bu.edu/law/files/2024/09/ICE-detentions-plymouth.pdf

Holding DAs and Sheriffs Accountable

Slide Deck: LINK

Additional DA resources:https://www.aclum.org/campaigns-initiatives/what-difference-da-makes-0/

Additional Sheriff resources: https://www.aclum.org/know-your-sheriff/

Care Not Cages: Mass Immigrant Justice in 2026

Becca Kornet, Progressive Mass Western Norfolk County

Shannon Flynn and Leela Ramachandran from LUCE led a breakout group at Progressive Mass’s 2026 Annual Meeting about the critical work done by LUCE. LUCE is an acronym: Liberation, Union, Community, Esperanza/Esperança/Espoir/Espwa (hope). LUCE’s work covers two broad areas:

  • Hotline operators available 6am-8pm (call this when you think you see ICE, ask about resources, report detentions)
  • Local hubs of volunteers (ICE verifiers, connecting with local resources, canvassing with “know your rights” info)

The communities hit hardest by ICE in 2025 include Framingham, Milford, Marlborough, East Boston, Chelsea, Revere, New Bedford, Waltham, and more. Even suburban communities like Acton, Newton, Milton, and Hudson have seen ICE activity. From March-December of last year, verifiers responded to over 1,100 incidents in 120 cities and towns in Massachusetts (and this is likely under-counted). People have been detained in a wide range of locations, including district court, businesses, traffic stops, homes, immigration court, on the street, at gas stations, and more. There has been frequent collaboration between local police and court staff and ICE.


We were reminded that we have had bad immigration policy since the 1700s, under both Republican and Democratic administrations. While what’s happening now is particularly horrible, much of it is not new. President Obama truly earned the moniker, “deporter in chief,” as his administration detained more immigrants than all presidents since 1890 combined. The Biden administration didn’t do nearly enough. And Governor Healey, while finally taking a stronger stance on this issue, has also not gone far enough. When you hear about people being transferred, this can mean a dehumanizing experience of being in full body shackles for hours in a van; transfers are often done very quickly and to multiple places, so often by the time detainees’ families know they are gone, they have been moved from Burlington to Plymouth to Louisiana; this quick movement also means they have had no chance to secure legal representation.


As for the detention locations in Massachusetts:

  • The facility in Burlington is an office building, and not set up to keep people long-term; immigrants are often sleeping on floors
  • The conditions in Plymouth are terrible, with detainees reporting freezing temperatures (meaning they have to shell out money to buy sweatshirts if they can afford it) and inedible food
  • There is also the Intensive Supervision Appearance Program (ISAP) in Framingham and Burlington, where individuals are given ankle monitors to wear and rules to follow – and they are still at risk of
    deportation


Currently, Massachusetts allows local/state entities to rent detention space and sign contracts with ICE. Learn more about the Dignity not Deportations Act (H1588/S1122), which would prohibit these contracts and also prohibit MA entities from donating time to or volunteering with ICE. The Detention Watch Network is a great resource. Another great way to help is by volunteering for the Boston Immigration Justice Accompaniment Network (BIJAN); there are opportunities to accompany individuals to court and make financial donations to their bond fees, which can be extremely expensive. 

To learn more, sign up to volunteer, or make a financial contribution, visit https://www.lucemass.org.

The Vote Yes for a Safe Massachusetts Campaign: How to Help Protect our Gun Safety Laws

Becca Kornet, Progressive Mass Western Norfolk County

Alejandra Rivera, Policy Manager at the Mass Coalition to Prevent Gun Violence, led a breakout group at Progressive Mass’s 2026 Annual Meeting on January 31st about the effort to repeal recent gun safety legislation. In 2024, Maura Healey signed a new gun safety bill into law – An Act Modernizing Firearm Laws. While Massachusetts already had strong gun safety laws, this legislation closed many loopholes (e.g., regulation of ghost guns), making it MA’s most significant gun safety legislation in a decade and raising the Commonwealth to an A grade rating on the Giffords Scorecard. The law went into effect in July 2024; by October of that same year, extremists filed a petition to repeal it.


This question will be on the ballot in November 2026. While we won’t know the question number until the spring, we do know that we need to vote YES to keep the current legislation as it is and not repeal it. As is often the case, the yes/no wording on ballot questions can be confusing or counterintuitive, so it’s critical we start getting the word out to our networks now so we can build awareness and education.


The group behind the push to repeal the legislation is GOAL – the Gun Owners Action League. Their messaging is often misleading. For example, their website is TheCivilRightsCoaltion.com, which may lead people to assume a very different intent. They are well-funded, with about $170K in the bank to fund their campaign.


To learn more, get involved, or make a financial contribution to help them combat the spending that is sure to come up from our opponents, go to https://www.yesforasafema.com. Vote YES for a Safe Massachusetts!

Response to Governor Healey’s 2026 State of the Commonwealth Address

Although Governor Healey’s State of the Commonwealth began with sharp criticisms of President Trump, she failed to demonstrate that MA will be a true bulwark against his harmful policy agenda. 

It’s deeply disappointing that Governor Healey offers nothing of substance in how to protect our immigrant communities in Massachusetts from ongoing ICE terrorism and Trump’s un-American, xenophobic agenda. Last year, she offered Marcelo Gomes da Silva a rosary; perhaps it should be no surprise that all she offers here is thoughts and prayers.

Activists have been fighting for years for bills like the Safe Communities Act and Dignity Not Deportations Act to end formal and informal collaboration with ICE. New legislation has been filed to protect court houses and to impose penalties on ICE agents from wearing masks. The Governor offered nothing. Let’s be clear: reining in ICE violence is a kitchen table, as there is no such thing as affordability when families are being broken apart and workers are being kidnapped on the way to work.

In a recent speech, Senator Elizabeth Warren underscored that the major fight within the Democratic Party is whether Democrats will be with billionaires or with the rest of us and whether Democrats will fight entrenched corporate interests and reduce inequality. To that question of “Which side are you?,” Governor Healey doesn’t provide a clear answer. 

An archaic “all of the above” energy strategy locks in fossil fuel infrastructure for decades to come, lining CEO pockets and keeping energy bills high. 

A “Health Care Affordability Working Group” filled with industry insiders is like asking the foxes how to keep the henhouse safe. 

Successful policies she rightfully touts, like free community college, universal school meals, and greater investment in the MBTA, all resulted from voters answering Warren’s question: we said yes to taxing the rich and investing in all of us with the Fair Share Amendment. 

As Massachusetts faces the threat of devastating budget cuts because of Trump’s Big Ugly Bill, Healey offers no insight into how or whether she intends to fight back. The Fair Share fight showed us how. 

New initiatives like preventing medical debt from being reported to credit agencies (Even better would be abolishing the idea of medical debt with a single payer health care system) or adopting click-to-cancel policies are good, common-sense steps, but Healey failed to offer a bold vision for a Commonwealth that works for all. 

An Important Deadline Just Passed on Beacon Hill. What Happened?

If you have read news about the State House or seen advocacy alerts or legislative newsletters recently, you may have heard the term “Joint Rule 10 Day.”

In the Joint Rules governing the MA House and MA Senate, Rule #10 creates deadlines for committees to take action.The Senate has a deadline of December 3 (“first Wednesday in December”), and the House had a deadline earlier this week (“third Wednesday in December”).

To meet this deadline, committees can take one of our actions:

  • The committee can give a bill a favorable report: that means the committee thinks the bill ought to pass. It then advances to the next stage of its journey from bill to law, typically moving to the Ways & Means Committee.
  • The committee can give the bill an adverse report: that means the committee thinks the bill ought not to pass, and it is done for the session.
  • The committee can send the bill to study: that means the committee does not plan to take further action on the bill. It is, in other words, a polite way to vote the bill down. No “study” results.
  • The committee can give the bill an extension: that means the committee has not yet decided the fate of the bill and wants more time to decide or redraft/combine bills.

A few of the bills we care about got favorable reports in the past few weeks. So let’s take a moment to celebrate those wins, and since committee votes are now public, take a moment to thank the senators and representatives who voted to advance them.

  • Local Option Real Estate Transfer Fee:Advanced 4 to 0 (with 2 reserving rights) out of the Senate Revenue Committee. Thank you to Senators Mike Brady, Jamie Eldridge, Pat Jehlen, and Becca Rausch for voting yes!
  • Tenant Opportunity to Purchase Act: Advanced 9 to 1 (with 1 reserving rights) out of the House Housing Committee and 4 to 2 in the Senate Housing Committee. Thank you to Representatives James Arena-DeRosa, Michelle Badger, Hannah Bowen, Rob Consalvo, Kip Diggs, Rich Haggerty, David LeBoeuf, Chris Markey, and Adrianne Ramos — and Senators Julian Cyr, Lydia Edwards, Paul Feeney, and Patrick O’Connor — for voting yes!
  • Visitation Bill: Advanced 10 to 3 out of the House Public Safety and Homeland Security Committee. Thank you to Representatives Dan Cahill, Michelle Ciccolo, Rodney Elliott, Homar Gómez, David Linsky, Bridget Plouffe, Amh Mah Sangiolo, Alan Silvia, Richard Wells, and Chris Worrell for voting yes!
  • Preventing Gas System Expansion: Advanced 4 to 0 (with 2 reserving rights) out of the Senate Telecommunications, Utilities, and Energy Committee. Thank you to Senators Mike Barrett, Mike Brady, Julian Cyr, and Dylan Fernandes for voting yes!

What does it mean to “reserve rights”? When a representative or senator votes to “reserve rights,” they are typically indicating that they would like to see revisions to the bill before they would feel comfortable voting yes or want more time with it in committee.


Beacon Hill 101: Joint Rule 10 Day

If you have read news about the State House or seen advocacy alerts or legislative newsletters recently, you may have heard the term “Joint Rule 10 Day.” This poses a key question: What is Joint Rule 10 anyway?

In the Joint Rules governing the MA House and MA Senate, Rule #10 creates deadlines for committees to take action. By the first Wednesday of December, i.e., tomorrow, every joint committee needs to take action on every bill in its purview. (It wouldn’t be Beacon Hill without exceptions: The Health Care Financing Committee has a later deadline, and committees aren’t held to the deadline for bills filed after January, when there’s an early session filing deadline).

Also new this year: rather than voting as one joint committee, the House and Senate members of the committee will each vote on their own bills.

What happens next?

  • The committee can give a bill a favorable report: that means the committee thinks the bill ought to pass. It then advances to the next stage of its journey from bill to law, typically moving to the Ways & Means Committee.
  • The committee can give the bill an adverse report: that means the committee thinks the bill ought not to pass, and it is done for the session.
  • The committee can send the bill to study: that means the committee does not plan to take further action on the bill. It is, in other words, a polite way to vote the bill down. No “study” results.
  • The committee can give the bill an extension: that means the committee has not yet decided the fate of the bill and wants more time to decide or redraft/combine bills.

There are several ways your legislators can vote in a committee (and with the new rules, you’ll be able to see):

  • Favorable: the bill ought to pass
  • Adverse: the bill ought not to pass
  • Reserve Rights: the bill ought not to pass barring major revisions
  • No Action: the legislator was not present for the vote

Here are a few bills we’re supporting that have already advanced favorably from their first committee in either House or Senate:

  • Same Day Registration: Advanced 5 to 1 from the Senate Committee on Election Laws
  • Delinking the Municipal Census from the Voter Rolls: Advanced 5 to 1 from the Senate Committee on Election Laws
  • Clean Slate (i.e., automatic record sealing: Advanced 6 to 0 from the Senate Committee on the Judiciary
  • Raise the Age (i.e., keeping young people out of the adult prison system): Advanced 5 to 1 from the Senate Committee on the Judiciary
  • Prison Moratorium (i.e, putting a five-year pause on new prison and jail construction): Advanced 8 to 0, with 1 reserving rights and 2 taking no action, from the House Committee on State Administration and Regulatory Oversight
  • Location Shield Act (i.e., banning the sale of cell phone location data): Included in the Senate’s data privacy omnibus bill in September; Included in the House Committee on Advanced IT’s data privacy omnibus bill (favorable report of 9 to 0, with 2 reserving rights)
  • Right to Free Expression (i.e., reining in politically motivated book bans): Passed by the Senate last month; Advanced 11 to 0 from the House Committee on Tourism, Arts, and Cultural Development

That’s the good news. Unfortunately, at least one of the bills on our priority agenda got sent to study. The Senate Committee on Environment and Natural Resources voted 4 to 0 on sending a bundle of bills to study, including Make Polluters Pay (i.e., requiring major oil and gas companies to pay fee on historic emissions). The vote was 4 to 0, with 1 senator reserving rights and 1 registering a dissent in the Senate Journal.

After bills leave their first committee, then legislators can no longer co-sponsor the bills. But there are plenty of other asks to make of your legislators!

Stay tuned for more updates.

Legislative Session Update

Today was the last day for the MA House and Senate to take recorded votes before going on recess until the new year.

So far, only 61 bills have become law:

  • 31 of them were home rule petitions about specific cities or towns
  • 15 were personnel matters about specific individuals
  • 8 were budgets or supplemental budgets
  • 2 were bond authorizations
  • 2 were disease awareness days

That leaves only three other bills: a temporary extension of hybrid meeting access (good; make it permanent), setting next year’s state primary as September 1 (terrible for turnout), and updating our shield laws protecting access to abortion care and gender-affirming care (good and necessary).

Clearly, there’s work to do.

New State House Accountability Tool Launched

Two weeks out from the Legislature’s new deadline for committees to report out bills, a new tool — Beacon Hill Compliance Tracker (https://beaconhilltracker.org/) — highlights the extent to which the MA Legislature has yet to follow its own new rules.

In June, the MA House of Representatives and MA Senate agreed to joint rules for the first time since 2019. Following years of activist organizing around greater transparency in the legislative process, Beacon Hill adopted key reforms like public committee votes, public bill summaries, and 10-day notice for hearings. The House also adopted a series of rolling deadlines for reporting out bills from committees, with action required by 60 and, at latest, 90 days following a hearing.

The Beacon Hill Compliance Tracker, an independent, citizen-built tool developed in collaboration with us here at Progressive Mass and with Act on Mass, measures how well the Massachusetts Legislature complies with its own new commitments to transparency.

Democracy in Action: House’s MAGA Energy Bill Delayed

Because of calls and emails from people like you, the House delayed their MAGA energy bill that would have rolled back our climate, clean energy, and energy efficiency commitments.

The House will be redrafting an energy bill to vote on in the new year, so pressure will still be needed to ensure that we move forward, not backward. Stay tuned.