Charlie Baker’s Record On Consumer Protection and Climate Action

By Joel Wool, Progressive Mass Issues Committee

Charlie Baker didn’t run for governor on a platform of consumer protection or climate action. But now that he thinks climate change is real and man-made, he talks a lot about his administration’s work on clean energy and climate change, even as his messaging to his base, and his reelection campaign, evoke themes of “hold the line on taxes” and small government.

There’s nothing wrong with the Governor’s beliefs on climate change evolving and he’s not unique in disliking taxation (as much as we desperately need more revenue). And yes, it’s also really important to have bipartisan action on climate change. As I see it, the problem is pretty simple: beneath a rhetoric of climate action and balanced “combo platter” of energy solutions, the Governor has approved policies that are bad for ratepayers, bad for the environment and bad for democracy.

TLDR: YOU CAN TAKE ACTION to help reform the DPU and advance clean energy. Email your legislators today.

A number of the Governor’s appointees are so bad they might as well be lobbyists for the fossil fuel industry, and overall, the Governor’s energy strategy is bad for consumers, prioritizes investor-owned utilities whose executives contribute to his campaign, and is dishonest, hiding “little known taxes” on energy bills and fees.

What has Charlie Baker’s administration done that is so awful? His administration has approved automatic rate increases, a gratuitously high return on equity for Eversource energy (more on this below), unprecedented fees on solar, cuts to compensation for renters and low-income renewable energy customers, a tax on electric bills to fund fracked gas pipeline expansion (struck down by the MA SJC) and the Governor has failed to maintain the few campaign pledges related to the environment around funding of environmental programs and meaningfully addressing gas leaks.

On rate decisions, you can get a detailed description on what Eversource proposed here.
For the basic money figures, here you go. Eversource got a hike of upwards of $30 million from its customers, even as it complained that this paled in comparison to its request, which was about three times higher. Environmental justice groups and municipal officials vigorously opposed the request at every stage, but DPU ignored their protests.

(What do utilities do with this money? Sure, some of it goes to fund poles and wires, pay staff and invest in new energy infrastructure. Eversource, National Grid and Unitil don’t generate power; they make money from the return on building new infrastructure like distribution lines, and its investors lose out economically when your local energy solutions like solar obviate the need for more poles, wires, substations and other facilities. Increasing return on equity means Massachusetts ratepayers spend more money to enrich utility investors – the utility claims, essentially, that exorbitant returns are a necessary expense.

Even before the hike, Eversource regularly used consumer funds to pay membership fees out to trade groups like Associated Industries of Massachusetts and Edison Electric Institute. These groups subsequently lobby against clean energy policy – even at times, in the case of AIM, supporting policies that make it hard for large customers to go renewable.)

The type of hard-to-understand fees on residential solar approved by Baker’s DPU are FIRST IN THE NATION. This isn’t the kind of policy Massachusetts wants to lead on, setting a precedent that will surely be picked up on in other states. Advocacy group Vote Solar is appealing the decision to the MA Supreme Judicial Court.

Oh, and what’s that about the “pipeline tax”? Governor Baker’s Department of Public Utilities ruled that it was okay to put a fee on electric customer’s bills to expand multi-billion dollar fracked gas infrastructure across New England. The MA Supreme Judicial Court struck that idea down as it violates a 1990’s law that restructured the electricity market, in part to encourage competition, advance efficiency and shield consumers from risk that should be borne by investors.

In summary, the out-of-control Department of Public Utilities has consistently acted to (1) hike rates (2) guarantee utility investor profits (3) attack clean energy and (4) attempt to prop up fossil fuels – sometimes violating the law to do so and getting reprimanded through the court process.

YOU CAN TAKE ACTION to help reform the DPU and advance clean energy. Email your legislators today.

Outside of DPU, and amidst anti-pipeline protests, Governor Baker has said doesn’t “take a backseat to anybody” on renewable energy. He may honestly believe that, but for the purposes of explication allow me to list a few United States Governors and numerous Massachusetts Republicans who are well ahead of Governor Baker on clean energy and climate change.

Governors:

Governor David Ige – Hawaii – Supports a transition to 100% Renewable Energy, which Hawaii has in statute. (Baker was recently featured in a discussion alongside Gov. Ige)

Governor Jerry Brown – Aggressively resisting Trump agenda, pushing regional climate cooperation on the west coast. CA has a 50% renewable energy by 2030 mandate in law.

There are plenty of others.

(Massachusetts’ renewable energy commitment will get us to 100% renewables by 2105, even though moving faster on renewables would cost little and create thousands of jobs)

Massachusetts Republicans to whom Charlie Baker takes a backseat:

Senate Minority Leader Bruce Tarr – A longtime supporter of climate action, energy planning, repair of gas leaks

House Minority Leader Brad Jones – A longtime advocate for environmental conversation, he’s worked with Democrats on many issues. Recently, he co-authored a letter signed by 120+ legislators urging reforms to the Department of Public Utilities and higher standards on Gas Infrastructure.

Senator Ryan Fattman of Sutton – A big fan of the outdoors, rumor has it he’s a member of the Appalachian Mountain Club!

Mayor Bob Hedlund and Senator Patrick O’Connor of Weymouth – Strong opponents of a gas compressor station in Weymouth.

Carbon Pricing: Keeping MA a Leader on Climate Action

The following was testimony submitted to the Joint Committee on Telecommunications, Utilities, and Energy on behalf of Progressive Massachusetts on June 20, 2017.

Chairman Barrett, Chairman Golden, and members of the Joint Committee on Telecommunications, Utilities, and Energy, I, Jonathan Cohn, Co-Chair of the Issues Committee of Progressive Massachusetts, am pleased to offer this testimony on behalf of Progressive Massachusetts. Progressive Massachusetts is a multi-issue, grassroots, member-based advocacy organization committed to an agenda of shared prosperity, racial and social justice, good governance and strong democracy, and sustainable infrastructure and environmental protection.  

Progressive Massachusetts would like to go on the record IN SUPPORT of bills H.1726 and S.1821.

As a coastal state, Massachusetts is especially vulnerable to climate change. To put it bluntly, we cannot achieve shared prosperity under water.Nine years ago, the Global Warming Solutions Act was signed into law, committing the state to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 25% below the 1990 baseline in 2020 and by at least 80% in 2050. However, as advocates have often pointed out, and the Supreme Judicial Court ruled last year, Massachusetts is not on track to meet its own goals.

After President Trump moved to pull the United States out of the Paris Agreement, elected officials from both parties in Massachusetts condemned this misguided move and said that Massachusetts would continue to push forward with climate mitigation. But we need more than just rhetoric. We need concrete policies that enable us to realize and build upon our current commitments.

The carbon pricing bills under consideration—H. 1726 and S. 1821—are such policies. A 2014 study prepared for the Department of  Energy Resources found putting a price on carbon in a scheme akin to that of these bills “would reduce state GHG emissions to a larger degree than most other Massachusetts programs that currently operate for this purpose.” Indeed, it could reduce economy-wide emissions by 5-10%, with much of this reduction coming from the transportation sector, which is the largest source of emissions in Massachusetts.

The environmental benefits of such a pricing scheme are not limited to climate mitigation. The reduction in air pollution resulting from the price incentive could save over 300 lives over the next twenty years.

We are pleased that both H.1726 and S.1821 take important steps to counteract any potential regressive economic effects of a carbon pricing scheme, making sure that low-income residents are not bearing the burden of climate mitigation. And we specifically commend H.1726 for setting aside 20% of collected funds for a new Green Infrastructure Fund that would facilitate the decarbonization of the transportation sector and increase investments in renewable energy, energy efficiency, and climate resilience. Changing price incentives is just the first step in the critical task of mitigating climate change.

The situation at the federal level for climate policy ambitious enough to meet the challenges before us is grim. It has thus become increasingly important for states like Massachusetts to redouble their commitments. We must do so to avoid regress, and we must do so to provide models for national policies as our state so often has.

College Students Work to Put a Price on Carbon, All of Us March

By Heather Busk, Progressive Watertown

Off the coast of New England, warming waters may have led to the collapse of the cod fishery that gave Cape Cod its name. In our daily lives, however, the effects of climate change have been harder to notice. The average temperature and precipitation patterns have changed even here in Massachusetts, but such shifts are masked by day to day and yearly variations. To change that perception, and to build support for carbon pricing, several student organizations from local colleges and universities hosted a viewing of the episode “Priceless” of National Geographic’s “Years of Living Dangerously” and an expert panel discussion afterwards. 

Tufts Climate Action, Emerson Eco-Reps, Fossil Free MIT, DivestNU and the Boston University Environmental Student Organization organized the event as part of the #PutAPriceOnIt campaign. 

The episode looked at places where the effects of climate change have been far more dramatic than what we’ve seen in Massachusetts, so far.

In the mountains of California, the pika, this adorable little creature:

Pika

may go extinct. They overheat easily, and as warming has made the lower reaches increasingly uninhabitable, they’ve fled to higher and higher elevations. But the mountains are only so tall, and if the temperature continues to rise, they will soon have nowhere left to go and will die out. They’ve already lost more than a third of their habitat in Nevada and Oregon. Other animals living in these sky islands are similarly threatened.

Kenya’s Ambroseli National Park endured a terrible drought from 2006 to 2009, one of the worst in generations. Hundreds of elephants starved to death, including 200 babies and at least 60 of the matriarchs. The population declined by more than 20%. In the words of one of the park staff, “There was dust and nothing else.”

The drought also triggered an increase in poaching. Some farmers killed elephants to protect their crops. The hungry elephants, in their desperate search for food, encroached on nearby farms, eating and trampling on produce. Other farmers turned to the ivory trade to replace their drought-stricken livelihoods.

The Masai people are traditionally dependent on cows, but as the climate has dried, many have shifted from a nomadic lifestyle to farming. They have had little choice: during the drought, some lost 90% of their livestock. This has led to increasing conflict between farmers and wildlife, as farmers’ fences block the migration routes of many large mammals. African elephants, hippos, and many other species are at risk of extinction if nothing is done to prevent it.

Such droughts will become increasingly common as the climate changes. Rainfall in Ambroseli has declined by 29% over the past century. California, too, has just begun recovering from a 5-year long drought that left lakes and reservoirs at their lowest levels in decades. This drought followed on the heels of another drought from 2007 to 2009. Over the past decade, California has had more dry years than normal years. That is not sustainable for a state with a large population (which also happens to grow most of the fruits and vegetables produced in the US).

The damage caused by climate change is no longer hypothetical, it is ongoing. Urgent action has been needed for decades now. But until recently, the lack of something visible to point to, something that connected to our daily lives, made it easy to push action to the future, to discount the risks and argue that any steps to fight it were just too expensive. That time is over.

We must establish carbon pricing here in Massachusetts. Carbon pricing helps people reduce their carbon emissions by adding a tax on the consumption of fossil fuels, in proportion to how much carbon is emitted from burning them. This discourages the use of carbon-heavy fuels such as coal and encourages cleaner sources such as biofuels, solar, and wind. The proposed legislation offsets the added cost by giving a rebate back to consumers and businesses.

A similar law has been quite successful in Vancouver-carbon emissions dropped by 15%, while the economy continued to thrive. Because of its success, Canada is considering carbon pricing for the entire country. Even fossil fuel companies have come out in favor of carbon taxes, perhaps, as one of the panelists speculated, because a tax would be simpler for them to implement than other potential regulations to address climate change. When even fossil fuel companies are on board, and when it has already been successfully implemented in other places, there really is no good reason not to put a price on carbon here in Massachusetts.

To make this happen, we must make it clear to our elected officials that we support strong steps to combat climate change. There are three chances to do this coming up very soon: the March for Science is happening on April 22, and the People’s Climate March happens a week later, on April 29. Both marches will take place in Washington D.C. and many other locations around the country, including Boston. After you’re done marching, you can take the message directly to your legislators during Progressive Mass’s Lobby Day, on May 3.

Now is the time to put a price on carbon. Now is the time to march. After all, as Obama once noted, “We are the first generation to feel the impact of climate change, and the last generation that can do something about it.”

Protecting the Earth from Supervillains, Locally

By Heather Busk, Progressive Watertown

A Congress that is set on gutting environmental protections. An administration filled with climate change denialists and close friends of the fossil fuel industry. It looks like the environment will have a tough time over the next few years if we don’t step up big league at the local level to protect it.

The man who recently became the head of the Environmental Protection Administration, Scott Pruitt, apparently really doesn’t like protecting the environment, because he unsuccessfully challenged EPA policies in court a whopping 14 times while attorney general of Oklahoma. One time, when the EPA had the temerity to set a rule limiting methane emissions from natural gas, he complained about it in an official letter that turned out to be written by lobbyists for, you guessed it, an oil-and-gas company. Attempts to investigate his ties to oil companies before he was confirmed as EPA chief have been stymied by his office’s refusal to release emails that were requested two years ago by freedom of information act requests (it’s almost like he was trying to hide something). Now that the emails have finally been released, they clearly show him to be the good little lapdog of the fossil fuel industry.

Zinke, nominated to head the Department of the Interior, wants to allow more oil drilling and coal mining in national parks. The former CEO of Exxon Rex Tillerson (a.k.a. Rexon) is now Secretary of State. The nominee for Secretary of Agriculture, Sonny Perdue, as well as Tillerson, Pruitt, Zinke, Trump, Perry, and others in the administration are all climate skeptics.

Just in the past few weeks, Trump and Congress have taken aggressive steps to undermine the power of federal agencies to set and enforce environmental protection policies. The House resurrected the Holman rule, which lets Congress target individual federal employees for salary cuts (down to $1) and target individual programs for removal. We would dearly miss many of the programs likely to be in their crosshairs. Thanks to an executive order, if federal agencies want to set a new regulation, they will now be forced to repeal two other regulations.

In December, the REINS act was passed by the House. If passed by the Senate, it would require all major regulations set by federal agencies, on topics ranging from environmental protection to food and chemical safety standards, to be approved by Congress, and any that are not approved within 70 days would not take effect. It’s a very effective tactic to kill regulations that industry doesn’t like.  

The Trump administration and the Republican Party want to bury their heads in the sand and ignore the crisis, so for those of us who have seen the signs–the dropping ocean oxygen levels, the death of coral reefs, the yearly decline in sea ice, the signs of imminent collapse of polar ice shelves, and ever higher temperature records–it is imperative that we act now. Every delay makes it more likely that the situation will spiral out of control, and four years of a Trump presidency is a long delay.

With the agencies that are supposed to protect the environment being led by people who don’t care about it, and with the agencies’ powers being systematically stripped away, not much action on climate change should be expected at the federal level. It will be up to the states to get anything done. Fortunately, there are several bills up for consideration in the Massachusetts legislature that take bold steps to address climate change.

Sd.2049, An act creating 21st century Massachusetts clean energy jobs, will help Massachusetts prevent and prepare for climate change in a number of ways.

A program will be set up to plan for and deal with the effects of climate change. In addition, the state will develop a plan every two years to balance energy needs with environmental concerns, in particular reducing carbon emissions.

Homeowners will be required to release the results of an energy efficiency audit before selling their home. This will let prospective buyers get a sense of what they will pay for utilities, so this can be taken into consideration when choosing a house. Homeowners may be encouraged to improve energy efficiency to attract buyers. Note, they are not forced to make any changes. That is entirely their choice. Furthermore, by requiring an audit before the sale, all new homeowners will know before they even move in what improvements they can make to their home to save money.  No other state requires home energy audits before sales, so Massachusetts has the chance to break a path for the rest of the country to follow.

Nuclear power plants will be required to fully decommission within 5 years of shutting down or face a fine of $25 million per year. The Pilgrim Nuclear Power Plant is the only commercial nuclear power plant open in Massachusetts. It has had a series of safety issues over the past few years, and the operator plans to shut it down by 2019. This bill will ensure that the owners safely and completely decommission it, rather than leaving taxpayers on the hook to clean it up.

The bill also sets specific goals for emissions cuts by 2030 and 2040, to keep the state on track to reach the targets set by the Global Warming Solutions Act (which requires a reduction of 80% from 1990 levels by 2050). The bill also pushes for more offshore wind and a higher renewable energy portfolio standard. In May, the Massachusetts court ruled that the state government had not met its obligations to limit greenhouse gas emissions, in compliance with the GWSA. Meanwhile an environmental group’s report claims that Massachusetts will not meet its 2020 emission reduction goals without policy changes. 2020 is only 3 years away. If we are to meet the required reduction target of 25% of 1990 levels, we have to act now. Many of the solutions will take time to implement. In the longer term, we still have a long way to go to reach an 80% reduction by 2050–that’s a reduction of about 20% each decade. It won’t happen unless we keep pushing.

Sd.1021, An act combatting climate change, establishes revenue-neutral carbon pricing. The price starts at $10 per ton of CO2 emitted, and rises by $5 per year until it reaches $40 per ton. This will raise the cost of some things, for instance fuel prices, so to cancel this out the revenue raised will be rebated back to consumers and employers. State residents living in rural areas (who on average have to drive more) will get a slightly larger rebate. Electricity generators are exempt–large electricity providers are already subject to a regional cap and trade system. The logic behind a greenhouse gas “tax” (although it isn’t really a tax because the money is returned) is that we have not been paying the true cost for burning fossil fuels. The market prices we pay for the fuels don’t include the cost we will pay down the line to deal with the effects of climate change caused by burning these fuels. Adding this cost now will incentivize people and businesses to conserve–to drive less, to buy energy efficient appliances, to lower thermostats–and, critically, conserve in time to limit global warming. Or we can ignore the danger and pay the price later, after the damage is done. It will also make renewable energy sources more competitive, pricewise, helping them expand.

In the five years after British Columbia enacted a carbon tax, its fuel consumption decreased by 16% (compared to a 3% increase elsewhere in Canada). Meanwhile the GDP grew a little more than the rest of the country. With carbon taxes already enacted in dozens of other countries and states, Massachusetts would not be the first to try this, and there is already evidence that it works, without damaging the economy.

S.1846, An Act relative to solar power and the green economy, adds to the push to increase the usage of renewables, by setting a goal of 17% solar energy usage in the commonwealth by 2025 and 25% by 2030. The bill also ups the growth of solar usage from 1% per year to 2% per year next year and 3% each year after that.

S.1847, An Act clarifying authority and responsibilities of the department of public utilities-the name is a pretty accurate description of what the bill does, so I’ll just give some highlights. But first, some context: a few pipelines across New England have been in the works in recent years. One project is Access Northeast, which aims to upgrade and expand the existing pipeline and to add storage capacity, to increase the supply of gas during winter. Some Canadian companies wish to use this pipeline extension to pipe American liquefied natural gas (including gas fracked from the Marcellus shale in Pennsylvania) into Canada to sell abroad.

Under this bill, the power of the Department of Public Utilities to approve contracts is expanded from only covering the purchase of gas and electricity to including the purchase of gas infrastructure. The department must consider whether construction of gas infrastructure is in the public interest before approving any contracts. The “public interest” is defined in this case to mean that it’s cost-effective for ratepayers, that the company must build new infrastructure in order to meet demand for gas, and that it’s a good option compared to other ones, in terms of its effects on people and the environment. Additional gas infrastructure may not be built on protected land.

Electricity companies may not contract for gas (and vice versa). This enshrines in law a recent decision of the MA Supreme Court. The Department of Public Utilities released an order in October 2015 stating that it had the authority to approve long-term contracts by electric companies to purchase gas capacity. This was seen as good news for advocates of building more pipelines. However, in August 2016 the MA Supreme Court slapped this down, ruling that the DPU did not have this authority. They argued that the cost for constructing additional gas infrastructure could not legally be passed on to ratepayers. Without being able to sign long term contracts with electric companies, it will be harder for gas companies to build new pipelines because they will bear the full cost, rather than being able to pass it along to consumers. It is important to note, the bill does not by itself stop the building of pipelines. It simply prohibits public funding of any such projects. They are still free to build them with private money.

This set of bills is exactly how we can fight to protect our environment, even while the Republicans are doing their very best supervillain impressions.

JP Progressives: Progressivism during Trump

By Maddie Howard

We’re all here and prepared to fight,” Leda Anderson of the Planned Parenthood League of Massachusetts emphasized to a standing-room-only crowd assembled in Jamaica Plain’s First Baptist Church last Thursday.

On January 12th, JP Progressives, a Jamaica Plain community group (and chapter of Progressive Mass) that frequently hosts political events and mobilizes volunteers for campaigns and issues, hosted “Progressivism During Trump,” a panel of experienced activists moderated by Mass Alliance (Progressive Mass is a coalition member) founding director Georgia Hollister Isman. Intended to galvanize post-election urgency into specific action, this event brought established progressive groups together to provide plans of action and field questions from community members late into the evening.

jpp-forumjan2017

 Despite some of the groups assembled being ostensibly apolitical, many made it clear that their fundamental missions were opposed to the imminent political atmosphere. “We are anti-racist and we are anti-oppression,” Boston NAACP president Tanisha Sullivan remarked, “and that’s all I’m going to say.”

“We have changed all of our agenda,” Liza Ryan of The Massachusetts Immigrant and Refugee Advocacy Coalition shared with the audience, clarifying that MIRA is pushing offense as opposed to defense in advocating for their partner organizations under this administration.

Though national politics naturally loomed large in the conversation, much of the actions discussed were on the local level. Kade Crockford, director of the Technology for Liberty program of the ACLU Massachusetts, called for support for the state Trust Act (a bill prohibiting local law enforcement from detaining undocumented immigrants purely for their status), emphasizing the importance of pressuring the mayor, DA, and police. Dick Clapp of 350 Massachusetts and Boston Climate Action Network mentioned hosting house meetings in support of the Community Choice Energy Plan, an initiative to provide more of Massachusetts’ energy from renewable sources.

In response to a question about what threats progressive movements are likely to face, Anderson noted that this is the “first time in a really long time that anti-abortion politicians have controlled both houses & the White House.” Over the next four years, patients on Medicaid could be prevented from accessing the services provided by Planned Parenthood; about 30% of patients in Massachusetts rely on Medicaid now. The currently vacant supreme court seat means a risk of Roe v. Wade being repealed. Sullivan brought up the “sense of empowerment, of liberation by some who have been living in the shadows…that says that it is OK to be racist…we have to be committed to really working hard to stay vigilant on issues of race.” Ryan added the simple fact that due process is under threat, specifically in the case of undocumented immigrants and families. Expedited deportations with no hearing and unlawful detainment are just some of the problems these families encounter.

Despite naming the risks, the panelists and attendees retained optimism and hope for the future. “We like to call ourselves freedom’s law firm,” Crockford said of the ACLUM, calling for citizens to become doubly involved and not “sit out politics.” Ryan called for intersectional organizing and coalition building across issues: “We have to unify to win…Share narratives and work on messaging together. We can’t be divided; your issue is my issue. Get out of your comfort zone.”

The panelists recommended many specific actions to support their institutions and get involved. See below for a sampling of these actions.

jppforumcrowd
  • ACLUM: Donate to ACLUM.org, and follow on social media. Sign up for email alerts.
  • Planned Parenthood: attend the Million Woman March. Join for Sexual Health Lobby Day on January 31st. Visit pplmvotes.org to sign up for email updates.
  • 350 Mass: Join the node meeting that meets at the First Church in Jamaica Plain.
  • MIRA: Visit miracoalition.org for ways to help.
  • NAACP: Donate your talent & time; what skills do you have to contribute? What is the one issue that gets your blood boiling? If there is an org already working on that, how might you contact them?

You can review questions audience members asked the panelists at this link: www.slido.com Be Sociable, Share!